China bristles at Macron linking Ukraine to Taiwan
China has criticised as a "double standard" attempts to link the defence of Ukraine with the need to protect Taiwan from a Chinese invasion - a thinly veiled reference to a speech by French Emmanuel Macron in Singapore.
Macron told the Shangri-La Dialogue defence meeting if the United States and Europe were not able to bring an end to Russia's war in Ukraine, it would affect their credibility in the Indo-Pacific region as well.
"If we consider that Russia could be allowed to take a part of the territory of Ukraine without any restriction, without any constraint, without any reaction of the global order....what could happen in Taiwan?" he said on Friday.
In a Facebook post, China's embassy in Singapore said that comparing the Taiwan issue with the Ukraine issue as "unacceptable".
"The two are different in nature and not comparable at all," the post said, adding Taiwan was entirely an internal affair for China.
"If one tries to denounce a 'double standard' with a double standard, the only result we can get is still a double standard," the post said.
The embassy post did not mention Macron directly but it was accompanied by a photo of him talking at the event.
Beijing has previously dispatched defence ministers and other senior military officials to the annual meeting, which ends Sunday, but this year sent a relatively low-level delegation of military academics.
China views democratically governed Taiwan as its own territory and has stepped up military and political pressure to assert those claims, including increasing the intensity of war games, saying the island is one of its provinces with no right to be called a state.
Taiwan's government rejects Beijing's sovereignty claims, saying only the island's people can decide their future.
US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth told the gathering on Saturday that China posed an "imminent" threat and any attempt to conquer Taiwan "would result in devastating consequences for the Indo-Pacific and the world".
Regional diplomats said that Macron's comments were far from isolated during the freewheeling, informal meeting and risks of a Russian victory emboldening a Chinese invasion of Taiwan had at times surfaced in sideline discussions.
"The message from many backing Ukraine is that the line must be held if a message is to be sent to China," one East Asian envoy said.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Age
an hour ago
- The Age
Ukrainian drones destroyed Putin's bombers. A secret operation made it possible
For the citizens of Russia's far-flung regions, filming it all on their phones, it scarcely seemed believable. Life in the villages of deepest Siberia or Russia's Arctic north felt a world away from the front lines of their country's war with Ukraine. Yet suddenly, as they went about the Sunday business, the war unmistakably and dramatically arrived at their doorsteps. From the roof panels of nondescript container lorries parked in quiet rural lay-bys, drone after buzzing drone rose nonchalantly into the sky before hurling itself at nearby airbases housing some of Russia's most prized military assets. A hardy few onlookers scrambled onto the lorries, vainly trying to stop the tiny drones from completing their kamikaze missions. Most stood gaping as explosions echoed across the tundra. Five airfields came under attack on Sunday as Ukraine launched Operation Spider's Web, the most daring mission it has mounted on Russian soil in more than three years of war. Its target: Russia's strategic bomber fleet, long considered beyond Kyiv's reach. As plumes of smoke rose over the Olenya and Belaya bases and footage emerged of $156-million supersonic jets reduced to fireballs by drones costing only a few thousand dollars, the scale of the Kremlin's miscalculation became clear. According to Ukrainian officials, as many as 40 of Russia's most expensive and sophisticated bombers – perhaps a third of Russia's entire strategic bomber fleet – were eliminated in the space of a few hours. The attacks came at a critical juncture, just hours before Russian and Ukrainian delegates were due to meet again in Istanbul. With Donald Trump's peace initiative already teetering flimsily, the talks have taken on a new complexion. Though the timing was most likely calculated to send a message, Ukrainian officials say planning for the operation began 18 months earlier. The final stage began a few weeks ago, when dozens of first-person view drones were smuggled into Russia under the supervision of Ukraine's domestic intelligence agency, the SBU. Russia's bombers had always been the target, but adjustments were required after Moscow moved much of its strategic air fleet deeper inland to shield it from strikes. The drones were hidden in modified containers fitted inside commercial hauliers whose roof panels retracted at the push of a remote-control button. By all accounts, the drivers had no idea what cargo they were carrying. Residents near the Olenya base in Russia's far north – one of the targets – described watching as a panicked driver ran in circles as drones launched, one after another, from the back of his lorry. He later told police that he had been instructed to park his vehicle in a lay-by near the town of Olenegorsk, where somebody would meet him. Not all of the lorries made it to their destinations, with videos showing at least two 'self-destructing' en route. It was not the first time trucks had been used in the war. In 2020, a lorry carrying explosives was remotely detonated during an attack on the Kerch Bridge connecting Crimea to the Russian mainland. But this was rather more sophisticated. Reports suggest the drones had been trained using artificial intelligence to strike aircraft at their weakest points. The attack came so swiftly no Russian airman is believed to have reached the relative safety of the skies. Just weeks earlier, Russia had relocated many of its strategic bombers to bases deeper inside its territory. Olenya, located within the Arctic Circle, is more than 1600 kilometres from the Ukrainian border; Belaya, in Siberia, is over 4000 kilometres. Until Sunday, Ukraine had never struck more than 1600 kilometres inside Russia. The aircraft based at Olenya and Belaya were among the jewels of the Russian Air Force: the Tu-95 'Bear', a long-range bomber capable of carrying nuclear or conventional warheads; the Tu-160 'Blackjack', the largest combat aircraft in the world; and the Tu-22M3 'Backfire', a supersonic workhorse. The Russians had not counted on Ukraine's Mossad-like ingenuity – or its desperation to retaliate against the bombers that had rained destruction on its cities. Operation Spider's Web did not rely on long-range drones or missiles, but on small, hand-held FPV drones – relatively simple devices that have proved devastating on the battlefield. Unprecedented moment Russian military bloggers were quick to liken it to the Japanese surprise attack on Pearl Harbour in 1941. An exaggeration, certainly – yet in terms of chutzpah, scope and possibly damage, the operation marked an unprecedented moment in the war. Ukraine's security services had 'set a new bar of skill in conducting large-scale combat operations on enemy territory,' Iryna Vereshchuk, deputy head of Ukraine's presidential office, wrote on Telegram. 'This is not a knockout, but a very serious knockdown for the enemy.' According to Ukrainian officials, as many as 40 of Russia's most expensive and sophisticated bombers were eliminated in the space of a few hours. That claim awaits independent verification, yet whatever the final tally, Ukraine has inflicted a humiliating blow on Russia – and sent a powerful signal to its Western allies. In the days leading up to the strike, Ukraine's cities had endured some of the most intense Russian bombardment of the war. Dozens had died, children among them. The Kremlin has shown no sign of relenting and is likely to take its vengeance in the coming days. Ukraine's ability to strike so deeply and with such apparent ease is clearly an embarrassment. It exposed vulnerabilities at what should have been among Russia's best-protected military installations. As his envoys prepared for a second round of negotiations in Istanbul, Vladimir Putin seemed determined to project military dominance. Confident of victory, he ignored Kyiv's requests to share his peace terms in advance. But hours before the talks began, Volodymyr Zelensky, the Ukrainian leader, delivered a pointed message of his own. There had been coordinated attacks on Russian airfields before. On August 13 last year, Ukraine targeted four airbases in Kursk, Voronezh and Nizhny Novgorod. But all were within a few hundred miles of the Ukrainian border. Operation Spider's Web was conceived on a much grander scale. The night before the strike, Ukraine endured perhaps the heaviest aerial support of a bloody week. Kyiv reported that 472 drones and seven ballistic and cruise missiles had struck targets across the country. Twelve Ukrainian soldiers died in a separate attack on a training base on Sunday. But revenge would follow. Early that day, two transport bridges in the Russian regions of Bryansk and Kursk were blown up as trains passed, killing seven people. Russian officials blamed Ukraine. Yet, those attacks were just a prelude. The main attack came hours later, with far greater effect. Among the planes destroyed, Ukrainian intelligence said, was an A-50 'Mainstay', a $480 million Airborne Early Warning and Control aircraft. The A-50 is essentially a flying radar and command post, critical to coordinating fighter jets and air defences. Russia only has a handful left. They are considered irreplaceable. According to Ukrainian intelligence officials, all those knowingly involved in the operation returned safely – their mission accomplished in the most astonishing way. This was no Pearl Harbour. The Japanese attack killed 2403 Americans and destroyed or damaged 347 US aircraft and 15 warships. A better comparison might be the 1942 SAS raid on the Sidi Haneish airfield in Egypt, when British commandos destroyed or damaged 40 Luftwaffe aircraft using machine-gun-mounted jeeps. It was not a turning point in the Desert War, but it boosted morale, disrupted Axis logistics, and helped forge the legend of the SAS. Operation Spider's Web might have a similar impact. Ukraine will now approach the Istanbul talks with renewed confidence. Hours after news of the attack broke, Zelensky confirmed his delegation would attend, naming Rustem Umerov, his defence minister, as its head. Umerov's presumed involvement in the operation will no doubt discomfit the Russians seated across from him. Ukraine's ability to strike so deeply and with such apparent ease is clearly an embarrassment. It exposed vulnerabilities at what should have been among Russia's best-protected military installations. The damage was not just symbolic. Russia's long-range strike capabilities have been degraded. A significant financial cost has been incurred. Ukraine may have inflicted material damage exceeding $2 billion. Even in a country where public dissent is not tolerated, such a debacle may well provoke recriminations within the armed forces and Russia's influential military bloggers. Granted, Russia still has dozens of strategic bombers. But they may now have to be moved even farther east. Even then, the nagging suspicion will remain that nowhere in Russia is truly safe. That fear will be felt acutely in the civilian populations of Siberia and Russia's far north – regions that, until now, seemed far removed from the conflict. The war has arrived at their doorstep.
Sydney Morning Herald
an hour ago
- Sydney Morning Herald
Ukrainian drones destroyed Putin's bombers. A secret operation made it possible
For the citizens of Russia's far-flung regions, filming it all on their phones, it scarcely seemed believable. Life in the villages of deepest Siberia or Russia's Arctic north felt a world away from the front lines of their country's war with Ukraine. Yet suddenly, as they went about the Sunday business, the war unmistakably and dramatically arrived at their doorsteps. From the roof panels of nondescript container lorries parked in quiet rural lay-bys, drone after buzzing drone rose nonchalantly into the sky before hurling itself at nearby airbases housing some of Russia's most prized military assets. A hardy few onlookers scrambled onto the lorries, vainly trying to stop the tiny drones from completing their kamikaze missions. Most stood gaping as explosions echoed across the tundra. Five airfields came under attack on Sunday as Ukraine launched Operation Spider's Web, the most daring mission it has mounted on Russian soil in more than three years of war. Its target: Russia's strategic bomber fleet, long considered beyond Kyiv's reach. As plumes of smoke rose over the Olenya and Belaya bases and footage emerged of $156-million supersonic jets reduced to fireballs by drones costing only a few thousand dollars, the scale of the Kremlin's miscalculation became clear. According to Ukrainian officials, as many as 40 of Russia's most expensive and sophisticated bombers – perhaps a third of Russia's entire strategic bomber fleet – were eliminated in the space of a few hours. The attacks came at a critical juncture, just hours before Russian and Ukrainian delegates were due to meet again in Istanbul. With Donald Trump's peace initiative already teetering flimsily, the talks have taken on a new complexion. Though the timing was most likely calculated to send a message, Ukrainian officials say planning for the operation began 18 months earlier. The final stage began a few weeks ago, when dozens of first-person view drones were smuggled into Russia under the supervision of Ukraine's domestic intelligence agency, the SBU. Russia's bombers had always been the target, but adjustments were required after Moscow moved much of its strategic air fleet deeper inland to shield it from strikes. The drones were hidden in modified containers fitted inside commercial hauliers whose roof panels retracted at the push of a remote-control button. By all accounts, the drivers had no idea what cargo they were carrying. Residents near the Olenya base in Russia's far north – one of the targets – described watching as a panicked driver ran in circles as drones launched, one after another, from the back of his lorry. He later told police that he had been instructed to park his vehicle in a lay-by near the town of Olenegorsk, where somebody would meet him. Not all of the lorries made it to their destinations, with videos showing at least two 'self-destructing' en route. It was not the first time trucks had been used in the war. In 2020, a lorry carrying explosives was remotely detonated during an attack on the Kerch Bridge connecting Crimea to the Russian mainland. But this was rather more sophisticated. Reports suggest the drones had been trained using artificial intelligence to strike aircraft at their weakest points. The attack came so swiftly no Russian airman is believed to have reached the relative safety of the skies. Just weeks earlier, Russia had relocated many of its strategic bombers to bases deeper inside its territory. Olenya, located within the Arctic Circle, is more than 1600 kilometres from the Ukrainian border; Belaya, in Siberia, is over 4000 kilometres. Until Sunday, Ukraine had never struck more than 1600 kilometres inside Russia. The aircraft based at Olenya and Belaya were among the jewels of the Russian Air Force: the Tu-95 'Bear', a long-range bomber capable of carrying nuclear or conventional warheads; the Tu-160 'Blackjack', the largest combat aircraft in the world; and the Tu-22M3 'Backfire', a supersonic workhorse. The Russians had not counted on Ukraine's Mossad-like ingenuity – or its desperation to retaliate against the bombers that had rained destruction on its cities. Operation Spider's Web did not rely on long-range drones or missiles, but on small, hand-held FPV drones – relatively simple devices that have proved devastating on the battlefield. Unprecedented moment Russian military bloggers were quick to liken it to the Japanese surprise attack on Pearl Harbour in 1941. An exaggeration, certainly – yet in terms of chutzpah, scope and possibly damage, the operation marked an unprecedented moment in the war. Ukraine's security services had 'set a new bar of skill in conducting large-scale combat operations on enemy territory,' Iryna Vereshchuk, deputy head of Ukraine's presidential office, wrote on Telegram. 'This is not a knockout, but a very serious knockdown for the enemy.' According to Ukrainian officials, as many as 40 of Russia's most expensive and sophisticated bombers were eliminated in the space of a few hours. That claim awaits independent verification, yet whatever the final tally, Ukraine has inflicted a humiliating blow on Russia – and sent a powerful signal to its Western allies. In the days leading up to the strike, Ukraine's cities had endured some of the most intense Russian bombardment of the war. Dozens had died, children among them. The Kremlin has shown no sign of relenting and is likely to take its vengeance in the coming days. Ukraine's ability to strike so deeply and with such apparent ease is clearly an embarrassment. It exposed vulnerabilities at what should have been among Russia's best-protected military installations. As his envoys prepared for a second round of negotiations in Istanbul, Vladimir Putin seemed determined to project military dominance. Confident of victory, he ignored Kyiv's requests to share his peace terms in advance. But hours before the talks began, Volodymyr Zelensky, the Ukrainian leader, delivered a pointed message of his own. There had been coordinated attacks on Russian airfields before. On August 13 last year, Ukraine targeted four airbases in Kursk, Voronezh and Nizhny Novgorod. But all were within a few hundred miles of the Ukrainian border. Operation Spider's Web was conceived on a much grander scale. The night before the strike, Ukraine endured perhaps the heaviest aerial support of a bloody week. Kyiv reported that 472 drones and seven ballistic and cruise missiles had struck targets across the country. Twelve Ukrainian soldiers died in a separate attack on a training base on Sunday. But revenge would follow. Early that day, two transport bridges in the Russian regions of Bryansk and Kursk were blown up as trains passed, killing seven people. Russian officials blamed Ukraine. Yet, those attacks were just a prelude. The main attack came hours later, with far greater effect. Among the planes destroyed, Ukrainian intelligence said, was an A-50 'Mainstay', a $480 million Airborne Early Warning and Control aircraft. The A-50 is essentially a flying radar and command post, critical to coordinating fighter jets and air defences. Russia only has a handful left. They are considered irreplaceable. According to Ukrainian intelligence officials, all those knowingly involved in the operation returned safely – their mission accomplished in the most astonishing way. This was no Pearl Harbour. The Japanese attack killed 2403 Americans and destroyed or damaged 347 US aircraft and 15 warships. A better comparison might be the 1942 SAS raid on the Sidi Haneish airfield in Egypt, when British commandos destroyed or damaged 40 Luftwaffe aircraft using machine-gun-mounted jeeps. It was not a turning point in the Desert War, but it boosted morale, disrupted Axis logistics, and helped forge the legend of the SAS. Operation Spider's Web might have a similar impact. Ukraine will now approach the Istanbul talks with renewed confidence. Hours after news of the attack broke, Zelensky confirmed his delegation would attend, naming Rustem Umerov, his defence minister, as its head. Umerov's presumed involvement in the operation will no doubt discomfit the Russians seated across from him. Ukraine's ability to strike so deeply and with such apparent ease is clearly an embarrassment. It exposed vulnerabilities at what should have been among Russia's best-protected military installations. The damage was not just symbolic. Russia's long-range strike capabilities have been degraded. A significant financial cost has been incurred. Ukraine may have inflicted material damage exceeding $2 billion. Even in a country where public dissent is not tolerated, such a debacle may well provoke recriminations within the armed forces and Russia's influential military bloggers. Granted, Russia still has dozens of strategic bombers. But they may now have to be moved even farther east. Even then, the nagging suspicion will remain that nowhere in Russia is truly safe. That fear will be felt acutely in the civilian populations of Siberia and Russia's far north – regions that, until now, seemed far removed from the conflict. The war has arrived at their doorstep.
Perth Now
an hour ago
- Perth Now
‘Money back': Lambie's rogue reply to US demand
Australia should be looking to cut 'waste' in the Australian Defence Force before looking to pump more cash into it, independent senator Jacqui Lambie says. Senator Lambie on Monday reacted to the Trump administration calling on Canberra to boost the defence budget amid increased Chinese aggression the Indo-Pacific. A veteran and fierce advocate for the ADF, Senator Lambie quipped that the Albanese government should 'just ask Donald Trump to give us their money back for our submarines mate'. Senator Jacqui Lambie says Australia should cut ADF 'waste' before boosting the defence budget. NewsWire / Martin Ollman Credit: News Corp Australia 'It'd be nice to lift our defence spending – there is no doubt about that,' she told Sky News. 'Things are pretty tough out there at the moment, but I think it's more the waste. 'We waste so much money in defence procurement, and that's where we should be looking.' Senator Lambie pointed to the drawn-out build timelines for the AUKUS submarines. Under the trilateral defence pact, Australia is set to build five of the nuclear-powered boats in South Australia. The first is expected to be finished by the early 2040s. 'You've only got to see those submarines,' Senator Lambie said. 'Four billion dollars so far – we haven't got one scrap of bloody steel sitting in a harbour yet ready to go. 'I mean, that is just disgusting waste at its best.' Washington's call for Australia to step up military spending came from a bilateral meeting between Defence Minister Richard Marles and his US defence counterpart Pete Hegseth. The two senior officials met over the weekend on the sidelines of the Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore over the weekend. In a read out, the US Embassy said the two senior officials 'discussed aligning investment to the security environment in the Indo-Pacific, accelerating US force posture initiatives in Australia, advancing defence industrial base co-operation, and creating supply chain resilience'. 'On defence spending, Secretary Hegseth conveyed that Australia should increase its defence spending to 3.5 per cent of its GDP as soon as possible,' the embassy said. Mr Hegseth used his address at the Shangri La Dialogue to warn of an 'imminent' threat from China, saying Beijing could invade Taiwan as early as 2027. Such a move would deal a major blow to global supply of semiconductors and likely massively disrupt vital trade routes. 'Let me be clear, any attempt by Communist China to conquer Taiwan by force would result in devastating consequences for the Indo-Pacific and the world,' Mr Hegseth told the conference. 'There's no reason to sugar-coat it. The threat China poses is real and it could be imminent. 'We hope not but certainly could be.' China has criticised the United States for inciting tensions at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. This comes after US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth warned allies at the summit that any attempt by China to conquer Taiwan would result in devastating consequences. A Chinese spokesperson responded to this, saying Beijing would continue to seek dialogue – however, Mr Hegseth's comments were inciting division and would destabilise the region. Asked what Australia could do in the event of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan, Senator Lambie replied: 'I don't know, have you seen the size of the Chinese army? 'That's the first thing, and the second thing is this – have you seen the condition that ours is in?' 'We have a personnel crisis in our military, and something needs to be done. 'The only way young people are going to go and join is when people in that uniform go out there and brag how great that job (is).' She said the recruitment crisis was 'the biggest problem you have with our national security right now'. 'People do not want to join defence, and people do not want to stay in,' Senator Lambie said. She also said Australian troops were 'not in the condition to being in a war zone'. Labor has pushed back against Mr Hegseth's call to lift the defence budget, with Anthony Albanese saying his government was already spending record amounts on the military. Assistant Foreign Affairs Minister Matt Thistlethwaite on Monday echoed the Prime Minister. 'We are increasing our defence spending over the course of the next three years,' Mr Thistlethwaite told Sky News. 'Defence spending increases by about 10½ billion dollars and about $50bn over the course of the next decade.' Mr Thistlethwaite added that the Albanese government was increasing defence spending to '2½ per cent of GDP', including through AUKUS. The Trump administration's demand came just days after a leading defence think tank said Australia must bolster its immediate readiness to go to war or risk having a 'paper ADF'. The Australian Strategic Policy Institute warned that while Labor was spending on longer-term projects it was not pumping nearly enough cash into keeping Australia combat-ready in the near term.
