Nonprofit sues to overturn Missouri's parental consent laws for minors seeking abortions
Stephanie Kraft Sheley, founder of Right By You, poses for a portrait in April 2025. Her organization is suing Missouri, arguing the state's parental consent laws for minors seeking abortions are unconstitutional (Anna Spoerre/Missouri Independent).
A reproductive health care nonprofit filed a lawsuit Wednesday seeking to overturn Missouri's law requiring minors to get parental approval before getting an abortion.
The lawsuit contends the consent law is unconstitutional after voters passed an abortion rights amendment last year. Right By You, a nonprofit that helps young people navigate pregnancy decisions, including by increasing access to and awareness around contraceptives, prenatal care, abortion, parenting and adoption, filed the lawsuit in Jackson County Circuit Court
Missouri's parental consent law, which remains on the books, requires that a minor attempting to access abortion receive at least one parent's consent. The other parent must also be notified. If that's not possible, they can also seek out a judicial bypass process.
Right By You is also challenging Missouri's ban on aiding or assisting a minor seeking an abortion.
'The laws bully pregnant young people without parental support into giving birth and threaten legal action against and undermine the core activities of Good Samaritans who seek to help young people effectuate their own decisions about their pregnancies with dignity,' the lawsuit reads.
Missourians in November narrowly voted to enshrine the right to reproductive health care, including abortion, in the state constitution. That language, known during the election as Amendment 3, includes a provision that prohibits the government from discriminating 'against persons providing or obtaining reproductive health care or assisting another person in doing so.'
The amendment does allow the government to legislate abortion access if compelling governmental interest exists.
The current parental consent requirements and ban on assisting minors seeking an abortion 'enhance the information, guidance or support (young people) receive,' but does 'disregard, burden and punish young people's decision to end a pregnancy,' the lawsuit reads.
Abortion returns to Columbia, opening access for mid-Missouri for first time since 2018
Stephanie Kraft Sheley, founder of Right By You, said most young people do involve a parent or trusted adult in conversations about abortion. It's those who can't whom she worries most about.
'It makes sense that folks that are in healthy relationships with their children have this instinct that they would want their children to come to them, but a law that forces that to happen in every case is not the solution to that problem, because it's not possible for a law to legislate a healthy family dynamic.' she said.
The impact of the law, Kraft Sheley said, is 'not actually on the young person that you're imagining who has a good relationship with their parent, it's on a young person who's very safety and well being would be compromised by having this conversation with a parent.'
Right By You is asking the court to strike down the parental consent law and to allow the group to begin funding and arranging logistics for minors seeking abortions, including transportation, hotel and child care costs.
'Young people are shooting this really narrow gap, and then they're navigating this obstacle course that's just traumatic and harmful and doesn't provide any corresponding benefit to them,' Kraft Sheley said. 'I see it play out with a lot of confusion, a lot of turmoil, and in some cases, I see young people not able to access care.'
The state of Missouri and Attorney General Andrew Bailey are named as defendants in the lawsuit, as is the Jackson County prosecutor, who is being sued as a representative of the prosecutors across Missouri.
A separate lawsuit challenging several of Missouri's other laws regulating abortion is also playing out in Jackson County. The day after the November election, Planned Parenthood and the ACLU of Missouri sued the same defendants on similar grounds, arguing current targeted regulation of abortion provider laws were unconstitutional under Amendment 3.
A judge temporarily struck down most of the TRAP laws, allowing some abortions to resume in Missouri. The full trial is set for early 2026.
Meanwhile, Bailey is also suing Planned Parenthood Great Plains, which oversees clinics in Kansas City and Columbia, over allegations that the organization is transporting minors out of state for abortions.
The lawsuit is based on a video filmed more than a year ago at the Kansas City clinic. In the recording, a man secretly taped an interaction for Project Veritas in which he pretended to be the uncle of a 13-year-old in need of an abortion whose parents couldn't know.
Planned Parenthood staff then directed him to their affiliate clinics in Kansas where they said he could 'bypass' parental consent. When the man asked how often girls go out of state for abortions, the Planned Parenthood employee said it happens 'every day.'
During a court hearing on Monday in Cole County, attorneys for Planned Parenthood argued the lawsuit should be dropped on the grounds that the video was 'hypothetical' and that abortion is now legal.
'I find that the right to reproductive freedom initiative does not address the issue of parental consent,' Boone County Judge J. Hasbrouck Jacobs said Monday. 'And because of that, I'm going to deny the motion to dismiss.'
Kraft Sheley is also a co-founder of What's Next, an Amendment 3 accountability group made up of organizers and activists who previously called for a constitutional amendment to appear on the Missouri ballot with no restrictions on abortion.
Immediately after Amendment 3 was approved by voters, the coalition started calling on the state's major reproductive rights groups to challenge Missouri's parental consent law.
'They haven't done so,' Kraft Sheley said. 'And we can't sit and watch those people be left behind.'
The lawsuit also notes that current policy does not clearly state how or if minors in state custody or in the foster care system can access abortion through the current parental consent law.
A Missouri teen spent her life in foster care. Now she's fighting the state to keep her baby
The Independent recently published a story detailing the journey of a young teenager in foster care who was denied an abortion in 2024 at the age of 15. After the state said abortion wasn't an option, she spent her pregnancy and postpartum in constant fear of the state removing her baby, despite providing her with practically no resources to help her parent.
'My fear is we'll see more cases like (this one,)' which Kraft Sheley described as 'my literal fear of what will become of young people who are forced to continue pregnancies. That's what is proposed by these criminal involvement laws, and that is what this constitutional amendment explicitly disallows.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
18 hours ago
- Yahoo
Republicans' new Medicaid red tape will push Missouri to the brink and block healthcare for millions
New paperwork and work rules for Medicaid will impose new burdens on state government systems (Getty Images). This week, Senators have started their consideration of President Trump's big tax bill, which was passed by the U.S. House of Representatives in May. Missouri U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley was clear in his priorities for the legislation, writing in early May that 'slashing health insurance for the working poor is … both morally wrong and politically suicidal.' President Donald Trump was blunter, telling lawmakers not to 'f**k around with Medicaid.' The bill passed by the House, does not pass their test – it does not, as Trump and Hawley claim, contain 'NO MEDICAID BENEFIT CUTS.' Instead, it will kick millions of people off of Medicaid by piling on new red tape. And it will bury under-resourced state Medicaid offices in so much paperwork that they will be at risk of collapse. Together, these forces will mean that eligible Americans in Missouri and around the country will not have access to their Medicaid. Many will be left without health care as they prepare to bring a child into the world, face a new cancer diagnosis, or manage a chronic illness. In other words, if this bill passes, Medicaid will be cut for Missourians when they most need it. The House bill imposes new bureaucratic requirements on Medicaid beneficiaries, forcing them to file piles of new paperwork about their jobs, schools, disabilities, or sick family members to keep the health insurance they are already eligible for under the law. These so-called 'work requirements' do not boost employment as advertised – experiments in other states have repeatedly failed to do so. This is, in part, because the vast majority of Medicaid beneficiaries who can work already do. That makes sense – you can't buy food and pay rent with a health insurance card. The reason this bill reduces the cost of Medicaid by billions of dollars is that it assumes regular people will get tangled in the red tape of proving they are eligible for Medicaid. Experts project that over 10 million eligible people will lose their health care because of all the paperwork, including over 180,000 Missourians. But we believe that even this prognosis is too optimistic. Most analyses only consider the difficulty that people will have proving that they are entitled to Medicaid under the law, but not the difficulty states will have in administering the new paperwork requirements. We have spent the last several years modernizing the systems that deliver benefits to millions of Americans, including Medicaid. What we have learned is that state Medicaid systems, including MO HealthNet, are already on the brink – and lack the resources and resilience to take on the onslaught of requirements and deadlines about to hit them. Trump's tax legislation, the new requirements it imposes, and the lightning-fast timeline it requires, are setting Medicaid up for a collapse. Here's how it could play out. States are responsible for determining Medicaid eligibility. They allow people to enroll in one of four ways – by mailing in documents, enrolling online, applying over the phone, or walking into a physical office. Each of these pathways is already at a tipping point. Medicaid agencies around the country have staff vacancies as high as 30 percent, which means there are already too few workers to open mail, process applications, answer the phones, and staff walk-in centers. As a result, even under the current system, eligible people can see their Medicaid lapse because their paperwork is not processed in time. Missourians have recent experience with the effects of an overburdened Medicaid system. By law, Medicaid applications are supposed to be processed in 45 days, but as of last May, Missouri missed that deadline 72% of the time – the worst record in the nation – causing the federal government to step in to help for the second time in two years. The wait time on the Medicaid call center was 56 minutes in February 2024. The House bill will immediately explode the workload for state Medicaid offices. Medicaid beneficiaries will need to prove their eligibility twice a year instead of annually. And then it piles on the new paperwork rules. Missouri will have to figure out how to verify that a beneficiary is working, going to school, or meeting the new requirements some other way. They'll need to send out millions of paper notices, emails, and text messages to notify enrollees about the changes and train staff to handle the deluge of documents that will flood in. Just hours before the bill passed, Congress quietly moved up the deadline for states to make these changes, requiring implementation by the end of 2026 or sooner. And all this new bureaucracy rests on technology that is already failing. We've seen just how broken states' health care infrastructure is – Luke helped uncover state software errors that improperly terminated coverage for nearly 500,000 eligible kids across 29 states after the pandemic. The added strain imposed by this legislation will crash websites, jam call centers, and trigger even more software errors – trapping working people in the chaos. Under these conditions, failure isn't just likely — it's inevitable. We don't need to guess at how this plays out. When Arkansas tried to implement Medicaid work requirements in 2018 the results were disastrous. People received confusing instructions about how to prove they were working and many never knew about the requirement. The state's website repeatedly crashed. In the end, more than 18,000 people lost coverage, employment rates did not budge, and the state wasted $26 million on a failed experiment. In some states, that will mean lines around the block at overwhelmed county offices. In others, dropped calls, system outages, and piles of unprocessed renewals. These challenges compound. When the website breaks, you call. When your call drops, you drive to the office. Attrition will spike as the overmatched Medicaid staff are increasingly under siege, overtime is mandatory, and time off is cancelled. Smaller and smaller numbers of staff will bear larger and larger workloads until the system collapses. And, eligible Americans – working adults, kids, seniors, students, and adults with illnesses and disabilities – will still have no Medicaid. Hospitals will provide more uncompensated coverage, putting some – especially rural hospitals and children's hospitals – at risk of failure. This bill sets up state Medicaid agencies to fail at their most basic task – ensuring that eligible people have health insurance. It doesn't matter to a pregnant mom why her Medicaid is cut, she is going to miss prenatal visits and skip her toddler's check-up. If Hawley wants to stand up for over one million Missourians who rely on Medicaid, he should oppose this bill. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Yahoo
Civil rights law firm sues to block Missouri from taking over St. Louis police
A St. Louis Metro Police car outside Carnahan Courthouse in downtown St. Louis (Clara Bates/Missouri Independent). A St. Louis civil rights law firm filed a lawsuit Thursday challenging the state takeover of the St. Louis police as unconstitutional. ArchCity Defenders filed the lawsuit in Cole County circuit court on behalf of two St. Louis city residents, Jamala Rogers and Mike Milton. The state and Attorney General Andrew Bailey are the defendants. The lawsuit seeks to overturn provisions of a bill Gov. Mike Kehoe signed into law in March, which put the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department under a state board instead of local control. The law, reversing a statewide vote from 2012 that put the board under local control, was needed, supporters said, to address high crime rates. With Kehoe's signature, St. Louis joined Kansas City as the only major metropolitan police force in the country under control of a state board rather than local officials. The plaintiffs argue the law violates two parts of the state constitution: the prohibition on unfunded state mandates and on special laws targeting a particular locality. The law will 'subject the city to an unfunded mandate that diverts resources away from needed programs to prevent crime, overturns the democratic vote of the people with no rational basis to believe it will help increase public safety,' the lawsuit states, 'and will derail any progress that has been made in reducing the level of violence and improving law enforcement community relations.' The bill established a floor for the police budget in St. Louis, setting a minimum portion of general revenue funds that must be used for police each year, rising to 25% in 2028. Previously, there was no minimum funding requirement for the St. Louis city police, according to the lawsuit. The lawsuit argues the city will need to either reallocate money from other programs and services or raise taxes. The two St. Louis city residents named as plaintiffs are activists who have advocated for policies to reduce poverty, prevent violence and increase community trust in law enforcement, according to the lawsuit. Those plaintiffs believe that the 'policies they are advocating for and the programs they implement will increase public safety,' the lawsuit states, but that 'funding and support for those policies are now in jeopardy because of the state takeover law.' The city charter also requires pay parity between police officers and firefighters and emergency medical personnel, meaning that if the state board increases police officers' salaries, the city will be under the increased strain of matching those salaries. 'There will be even less funds available for the city to implement holistic, poverty-reducing programs that have a proven effect on increasing public safety in the region,' the lawsuit states. Under the state's Hancock Amendment, the state is forbidden from imposing unfunded mandates on local governments. The second component of the lawsuit argues the law is unconstitutional because it violates the prohibition against the legislature enacting certain local or special laws. It argues the law regulates the affairs of St. Louis when a general state law could be made applicable to it. 'The state has no rational basis for imposing minimum police department funding requirements only on the city of St. Louis and excluding other municipalities from those requirements,' the lawsuit states. The plaintiffs ask the court to declare the state takeover provisions invalid under the constitution, and sever them from the rest of the wide-ranging crime bill in which they were passed. The bill restored the governing system that controlled the police department from 1861 until the 2012 vote. The bill was passed despite the 2012 vote, and 'despite the City's robust funding of the police department at the expense of other needs, and despite the falling crime rate in the city of St. Louis,' the lawsuit states. The plaintiffs argue that the city has struggled to fund services like affordable housing and violence prevention services, which could reduce crime, while providing 'steady funding' for the police department. The Board of Police Commissioners has six members — the mayor of St. Louis and five people appointed by the governor and subject to state Senate confirmation. The bill passed on party-line votes in the House and Senate earlier this year, with Democrats opposed. State takeover of St. Louis police clears legislature, heads to Missouri governor Opponents argued it was racist because Black Democrats held the major offices in St. Louis at the time of passage and is unneeded because crime is decreasing. Senate Democrats filibustered the bill, winning additions of provisions banning the shackling of pregnant prisoners, establishing a fund for exonerated prisoners to receive restitution from the state and limiting what jails and prisons can charge inmates for phone calls. Critics point to statistics showing a drop in violent crime in St. Louis under local leadership. They say Kansas City has fared no better despite being under state control since the 1930s. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Yahoo
Missouri governor allows more spending, property tax cap as he pursues stadium deal
State Sen. Kurtis Gregory of Marshall is sponsoring the bill to set aside state tax money to finance new and renovated stadiums for Kansas City sports teams (Annelise Hanshaw/Missouri Independent). Gov. Mike Kehoe expanded the agenda of the special session Wednesday enough to win Missouri Senate passage of bills with money for disaster recovery in St. Louis, changes to property taxes policies and tax incentives to finance new or improved stadiums in Kansas City. Initially scheduled to go in at 10 a.m., the Senate finally convened about seven hours later. Talks over what sweeteners Kehoe needed to get his key objective — tax incentives to finance new or renovated stadiums for the Kansas City Chiefs and Royals —- culminated in his revised agenda. 'After productive conversations with members of the Missouri General Assembly this week, we are amending our special session call to allow for additional legislation in the areas of disaster relief, tax policy, and budget investments,' Kehoe said in a news release. 'We appreciate legislators working together to use this as an opportunity to show up for our communities by acting swiftly to help those in crisis, while also making smart decisions that secure opportunity for the future.' Under the constitutional limits on a special session, the governor must 'state specifically each matter on which action is deemed necessary.' Any attempt to address an issue not listed in the call for the session can be ruled out of order. The special session began Monday and can continue for up to 60 days. Kehoe is seeking quick action because both teams have offers from Kansas to relocate. The spending bill passed 23-10 in the early morning on Thursday, winning with a coalition of Democrats and Republicans with only Republicans opposed. The bill to finance the stadiums went to the House on a 19-13 vote, with three Democrats joining 10 Republicans in opposition. For several hours the chamber stalled on the stadium bill, working late into the night. The bill includes all the tax provisions necessary to finance the stadiums, plus disaster relief provisions and an expansion of a tax credit program supporting amateur sporting events. Shortly before 1 a.m., the impasse cleared and bill sponsored by state Sen. Kurtis Gregory was given initial approval. Within a few hours, the final votes were held and the Senate adjourned until June 16. For several hours, debate focused on a proposal from state Sen. Joe Nicola, a Republican from Independence, to freeze the maximum increase in annual property tax bills at 5% in some counties. Then state Sen. Tracy McCreery, a Democrat from Olivette, said she had heard enough. 'This discussion that we've had the last several hours is just an effort for the governor to try to get a couple of votes out of the Freedom Caucus for the stadium funding scheme,' McCreery said. She said Kehoe agreed to Nicola's amendment and added it to the call to wear down opposition. Then she blamed Kehoe and Republicans for using a procedural move to shut down debate during the regular session on an abortion ban and repeal of the sick leave law approved by voters in November. Kehoe could have had the stadium plan passed if the procedural move was not used, McCreery said. 'Here we are tonight, masquerading that we care about people and the amount of money that they're paying for things,' McCreery said. Democrats don't trust Republicans, she said, and the Senate should not trust the House. Until the appropriation bill, which totals $361 million including $175 million in general revenue, passes the House. The House refused to pass a bill with $235 million of the same projects and $282 million of additional spending during the session. House Republican leaders waited for the Senate to adjourn on the last day for passing appropriations before revealing that the bill would be spiked. 'We should not be doing anything until (the spending bill is passed) and over the House, and then the House has to have it on its way to the governor before we should be taking any action on anything else,' McCreery said. The stadium funding plan would allocate state taxes collected from economic activity at Arrowhead and Kauffman to bond payments for renovations at Arrowhead and a new stadium for the Royals in Jackson or Clay counties. The cost is estimated at close to $1.5 billion over 30 years. State Sen. Kurtis Gregory, a Republican from Marshall and sponsor of the stadium bill, said the public support for keeping the Chiefs and Royals in Missouri was both a good economic investment and a good investment in the state's image. 'What's at stake if those teams go across the state line is over $2 billion of economic activity inside of the state of Missouri, over 13,000 jobs, and we just let the state of Kansas poach the pride and joy of the western side of the state,' Gregory said. The teams must give Kansas an answer by June 30 on an offer to pay 70% of the cost of new stadiums. Missouri's offer is to cover about half the cost. Some senators have grumbled that the teams should make a commitment to stay in Missouri if the bill is passed. Gregory said their desire to stay should be apparent. 'I also contend that the teams want to stay in Missouri, because if they wanted to go to Kansas, I believe they would have already signed on the dotted line to move those teams,' Gregory said. The spending bill was increased because of demands from St. Louis Democrats that Kehoe address the uncertainty over when or whether President Donald Trump will declare a federal disaster for the May 16 St. Louis tornado. That brought a new $100 million appropriation for storm victims in the city of St. Louis. Previously, the disaster provisions in the call — $25 million for the Missouri Housing Trust Fund to be distributed by the Missouri Housing Development Commission and a tax credit for amounts paid as insurance deductibles — were all applied equally to counties included in disaster requests. Kehoe has submitted four storm events this spring, with damage in 37 counties, to Trump for disaster requests. Two have been granted. The magnitude of the St. Louis tornado — a 22-mile path of destruction that cost five Missouri lives and damaged an estimated $1.6 billion in property damage — surpasses all other damage so far in the state. Damage to public property in the two disasters that have been declared is estimated at $52 million. The other new money added to the spending bill settled an issue for state Sen. Stephen Webber, a Democrat from Columbia. A state contribution to the new research reactor at the University of Missouri, which Kehoe cut from $50 million to $25 million to find money for disaster aid, was returned to $50 million. The only opposition to the spending bill on the floor came from state Sen. Mike Moon, a Republican from Ash Grove, who said the university should tap its $1.4 billion endowment to pay for the reactor. And Moon said he didn't like the disaster relief funds. 'The money that is going to be received by those who were hurt is nowhere near the amount that's going to cause them to be compensated and fully restored,' Moon said. If the state starts paying to repair property after storms, he said, people will not buy insurance. 'I don't think some of this is the proper function of government,' Moon said. 'Compassion, certainly. But unless people take personal responsibility and do the things they should be doing so that we don't have to, when is this going to end?' The tax change Nicola is trying to enact would cap increases in real property tax bills at 5% every two years, corresponding to the reassessment cycle. Officials in 34 counties would have the option of putting the cap in place through a ballot measure. The proposal is a response to rapid increases in property values and the resulting increase in tax bills. There was no estimate available of the potential cost to local governments. Nicola said there were enough protections to make sure all current revenue is maintained and new voter-approved levies are paid. 'Our property tax system in this state, in my opinion, is a disaster,' Nicola said. The amendment is the price of his vote, he told the Senate. 'I am a hard no on the stadium tax bill unless we get some solid property tax relief for my people in Jackson County,' Nicola said. 'I told the governor of this on Monday I can count on one hand how many of my constituents want me to vote for the stadium.' SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE