Two New Classrooms Inaugurated at Moodbidri Government School Under State Development Scheme
Moodbidri: In a boost to public education infrastructure, two newly constructed classrooms at the Government Upgraded Higher Primary School, Moodbidri Main, were inaugurated on Tuesday by Karnataka MLA Umanatha A. Kotian. The construction was funded under the State Development School Scheme (Vikas Shaale Yojane) for the year 2022–23, at a cost of ₹27.8 lakh.
Addressing the gathering, Kotian emphasised that economic hardship should never deprive children of their right to education. 'There is no reason to look down upon government schools. Many who studied in these institutions have gone on to occupy prominent positions in society,' he said. He also called on parents to support and strengthen government schools in their communities.
Speaking to teachers, Kotian urged them to provide quality education and instil strong values in students, helping raise their academic and moral standards.
M. Bahubali Prasad, president of the MCS Society and a long-time supporter of the school, requested the MLA to facilitate the construction of three additional classrooms. He noted that the Moodbidri Main School — a 156-year-old institution that offers both Kannada and English medium instruction from grades 1 to 8 — is the only government school of its kind in the area. Kotian responded positively, offering an assurance to consider the request favourably.
Kuladeep M. of the scion of the Chowta royal lineage who donated the land for the school, councillor Shakuntala Devadiga were also present on the occasion
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
2 hours ago
- First Post
India to collect Census 2027 data through mobile app, process it in 9 months
In a first, the Census will go digital, with data gathered via mobile apps supporting 16 languages, including Hindi, English, and 14 regional tongues read more Census officials collect details from village women during first phase of the census at Hatkhuwapara Village, near the northeastern Indian city of Guwahati April 1, 2010 for the 2011 census. (Photo: Reuters) Incorporating caste in the census is not the only new aspect of next year's population tally. The use of technology is expected to make the 2027 census more efficient, with the government introducing a 'digital' mode, which will capture and process data quickly. Government sources have told the Times of India that, unlike the last census of 2011, where the final population count was published after years of painstaking data collection and collation, the next census would be released in just nine months with the help of digitisation of the exercise. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD How will data be collected? The upcoming census will be conducted in two phases – the house listing phase will begin in 2026, while the population enumeration phase will begin in February 2027. In a first, the Census will go digital, with data gathered via mobile apps supporting 16 languages, including Hindi, English, and 14 regional tongues. The apps are built to be intuitive for both field workers and the public, who will, for the first time, have the option to fill in their own information through self-enumeration. Enumerators will break away from the tradition of carrying bulky papers to conduct home-to-home surveys. How will digitisation help? Census schedules will primarily feature pre-coded responses, with mobile apps offering dropdown menus for easy data entry. These apps include a 'fetch' function that allows access to pre-filled household records, which can be reviewed and edited as needed. By streamlining tasks such as creating summaries and avoiding data duplication, the apps significantly reduce manual workload. Combined with intelligent character recognition (ICR) for processing unstructured data, the system enables immediate readiness for analysis without the logistical challenges of handling physical forms. A separate code directory will enable quick and easy data collection during the second phase of the census. The government has created a census management and monitoring system (CMMS) portal to ensure a smooth census process in 2027.
The Hindu
2 hours ago
- The Hindu
Why C. Sankaran Nair's legacy cannot be compartmentalised
Recruiting historical figures — particularly stalwarts of the Indian National Movement — into contemporary political narratives has become a recurring strategy employed by Indian politicians. After deftly appropriating icons like Sardar Patel, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the BJP has recently 'discovered' a long-forgotten hero of the freedom struggle: Sir C. Sankaran Nair, the only stalwart from Kerala to have presided over the Indian National Congress. Not to be outdone, the Congress has scrambled to reclaim its former president — a man it had buried in to oblivion for nearly a century. The recent film Kesari Chapter 2: The Untold Story of Jallianwala Bagh, which portrays Sir C. Sankaran Nair as an unsung hero, has now brought him into the limelight. The political appropriation of Sir C. Sankaran Nair's legacy by both the BJP and the Congress is deeply problematic, given his complex historical positioning. The BJP highlights Nair's criticism of Mahatma Gandhi, particularly in his later work Gandhi and Anarchy (1922), where he questioned Gandhi's non-cooperation movement. By portraying Nair as a 'forgotten nationalist' sidelined by the Congress due to his opposition to Gandhi, the BJP reinforces its broader narrative of the Congress 'erasing' leaders who dissented from the Gandhi-Nehru line. However, reducing Nair's legacy to mere anti-Gandhism is a disservice to his multifaceted contributions. On the other hand, the Congress appears clueless in deciphering Nair's colossal personality, having ignored him for decades. The Autobiography of Sir C. Sankaran Nair, published by his daughter Lady Madhavan Nair in 1966, is a treasure trove for enthusiasts of modern Indian history. His prelude aptly underlines the historical significance of his memoirs, 'Reminiscences are sometimes regarded as the harmless hobbies of the advanced age […] I believe that interest in these reminiscences is not merely personal but historical. To be an octogenarian in a land where this species has become a rarity and to have spent over half a century in front ranks of public life forms perhaps a sufficient excuse for recapturing one's memories […] This has become all the more necessary on account of the publications of such books as the late Mr Montague's An Indian Diary and Sir Michael' O Dwyer's India as I Knew It which contain jaundiced versions of incidents of which I was once spectator and actor'. A liberal humanist Sir C. Sankaran Nair was a cosmopolitan thinker who loathed parochialism and ethnic nationalism. A lifelong member of London's National Liberal Club, he was a staunch advocate of universal liberty and equality. Even during his college days, he boldly challenged British racial supremacy. Once, when Justice Holloway, an English judge, asserted that the English were the only people never conquered, young Sankaran Nair refuted him by citing French historian Adolphe Thiers, who noted that the Normans — descendants of a French duchy — had conquered and enslaved the English. Holloway retorted that Normans and Saxons were of the same stock. 'By that logic,' Sankaran Nair shot back, 'we are all descended from Adam, rendering your argument meaningless!' This exchange epitomised his unwavering commitment to humanist ideals — principles that today's politicians, eager to exhume Nair for political gain, would likely find indigestible. Despite his differences with Gandhi, Sir C. Sankaran Nair shared some common ground with him. Both admired India's autonomous village republics; as a member of the Madras Legislative Council, Nair opposed the Village Cess Bill, fearing it would erode the traditional village system. He expressed hope that a future nationalist government would revive these republics. And similarly, like Gandhi, he was a passionate social reformer and eventually became president of the social reform movement. For Nair, political independence was not an end in itself but a means to achieve social regeneration. He made unsuccessful attempts to reform the matrilineal system among Kerala's Nairs and actively fought against caste oppression and gender disparities in Hindu law. Despite his disagreements with Gandhi, Nair acknowledged his global stature, remarking, 'Thanks to him, India has become a world problem.' However, in Gandhi and Anarchy, Nair sharply criticised the contradiction between Gandhi's doctrine of Ahimsa and his support for the caste system, which, according to Nair, helped align the reactionary elements of Hindu society with Gandhi's movement: 'The caste system is entirely opposed to the 'Ahimsa' (Non-injury) principle. The former has dedicated one of the main castes to death. Its function is to kill and be killed.' Stalwart of secularism Nair was neither a social conservative nor a status quoist. In his presidential address at the Amaravati Congress, he articulated his vision for a secular India: 'To break down the isolation of the Hindu religion, to remove the barriers preventing free social intercourse, to extend education to the lower classes, and to elevate women to equality with men, we require a strictly secular government in thorough sympathy with liberal thought and progress.' He initially opposed sectarian universities like the Banaras Hindu University, fearing they would foster communal strife. Mixing religion with politics repelled him, and extreme nationalism was anathema to his principles. Nair firmly believed in constitutional methods and rejected political fanaticism. This conviction led him to oppose Gandhi's non-cooperation movement as well as the Khilafat agitation. As Gandhi's influence grew, Nair receded from active politics, accepting his role with stoicism. In 1911, he wrote in The Contemporary Review (London): 'English law recognises the equality of all human beings, while Hindu law, rooted in caste immutability, divides society into rigid compartments. English law is individualistic; Indian law is communalistic. Under English law, England progressed astonishingly; Hindu law perpetuated a stagnant society, hastening its enslavement.' Nair admired Buddha and Christ, and even published an article on the Biblical sisters, Mary and Martha of Bethany, contrasting the West's action-oriented ethos (epitomised by Martha) with the East's contemplative tradition (symbolised by Mary). As the Viceroy's council member in charge of education, he advocated English as the medium of higher education, believing it essential for India's political progress, social reform, and women's emancipation. It is doubtful whether the BJP, with its conservative social outlook, can genuinely embrace Nair's liberal secularism. Protector of free speech Nair was a fearless practitioner of free speech. As the third Indian appointed to the Viceroy's Executive Council, he oversaw education, health, and land. During World War I, as the member in charge of ecclesiastical affairs, he was presented with a draft prayer for churches, seeking Allied victory. Nair refused, stating: 'Christ does not take sides in war. 'He who lives by the sword shall perish by the sword'— that is His teaching.' His defiance cost him the ecclesiastical portfolio, but he never compromised his principles for political expediency. Even the Viceroy felt the sting of his candour. After resigning from the Viceroy's Council in protest against the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, Nair had a final interview with Viceroy Chelmsford, who asked if he had a successor to recommend. 'Yes,' Nair replied, pointing to his peon. 'What?' exclaimed the shocked Viceroy. 'Why not? He is tall, handsome, wears his livery well, and will agree to everything you say. An ideal council member!' This fearless wit contrasts sharply with today's political climate, where the BJP nurtures an ecosystem of 'repressive tolerance'— mirroring the Congress's authoritarianism during the Emergency. A thorough pragmatist K.P.S. Menon, Independent India's first Foreign Secretary and Nair's son-in-law, wrote in Builders of Modern India: C. Sankaran Nair (1967), 'Once, I remarked to Nair: 'Your time in the Viceroy's Council must have been the most fruitful period of your life.' 'Fruitful?' he exclaimed. 'It was hellish… hellish.' After a pause, he added: 'Still, perhaps it was fruitful. I would have no regrets if I advanced Indian unity as I did Indian freedom.' Nair's tenure — hellish for him but fruitful for India — cements his place among the nation's builders. Unlike many of today's politicians, whose careers are fruitful for themselves but hellish for the nation, Nair embodied selfless service. He was a political realist. As Menon noted, 'The vision of 'Mother India,' with its emotional overtones, held no appeal for Sankaran Nair. He never romanticised a golden past, nor did he see India as a mystic entity, as Jawaharlal Nehru sometimes did. To him, India was a land of millions — ignorant, illiterate, half-starved, superstitious, and shackled by caste.' Tragically, India's reality remains as deplorable today as in Nair's time. If politicians genuinely care for the masses, they should learn from Nair's selflessness and integrity rather than exploit him for propaganda fodder. Sir C. Sankaran Nair was a visionary liberal, a secularist, and a fearless advocate of justice — qualities scarce in today's political landscape. Reducing him to a partisan mascot insults his legacy. Faisal C.K. is Deputy Law Secretary to the Government of Kerala.
Hindustan Times
4 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Cong brass ordered new caste survey: K'taka CM
The decision to conduct a caste re-enumeration in Karnataka was taken by the Congress high command and not the state cabinet, chief minister Siddaramaiah said on Wednesday, setting a timeline of 60-70 days to complete the exercise. Accepting the earlier report 'in principle', Siddaramaiah said that there were some complaints regarding it as it has been 10 years since the survey was conducted. 'I am following the high command's directive. It is not my or the Cabinet's decision. It is not a decision of the government. It is a decision of the high command. The high command has asked for the re-enumeration and a re-survey to be carried out,' Siddaramaiah said. 'The high command said that some complaints have come because the survey had happened in 2015-16, it has almost been nine-ten years old. So in a short period, in about 60-70 days a re-enumeration will be done. We are not rejecting the entire report (given by the Backward Classes Commission). Principally the report is accepted, only re-enumeration will be done,' Siddaramaiah said. Following a meeting of the Congress leadership on Tuesday, Siddaramaiah said that a fresh caste survey will be conducted to address complaints from several communities who alleged that they were either excluded or underrepresented in the controversial 2015 exercise. The meeting came after weeks of discontent over the findings of the caste survey originally carried out in 2015 at a cost of ₹162 crore during Siddaramaiah's earlier tenure as chief minister. Several ministers, MLAs, and MPs had raised objections, citing that the data did not fully represent the diverse caste composition of the state. Siddaramaiah, a key AHINDA (a Kannada acronym for Alpasankhyataru or minorities, Hindulidavaru or backward classes, and Dalitaru or Dalits) leader, pointed out that a number of stakeholders — including religious leaders, community organisations, and even members of his cabinet — had raised doubts about the comprehensiveness of the original report. Criticism of the survey has intensified in the recent months, particularly from influential community groups. The Vokkaligas and Veerashaiva-Lingayats, Karnataka's two dominant communities, strongly objected to the findings, demanding that the report be scrapped and a fresh survey conducted. Asked if he was disappointed with the party high command's directive for re-enumeration instead of acting on the report under the consideration of the cabinet, he said, 'We will go by the high command's decision. It is not my decision, it is not the decision of the cabinet or our government, it is a decision of the high command. High command has asked for re-enumeration.' Addressing media in Kalaburagi, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge said re-enumeration is essential as the data available is 10 years old. 'The criterias that were used in the earlier survey will remain, along with that if anything was left out it will be added. But the re-survey is essential because the data available is ten years old and in ten years many have come into OBC, many were added. So considering all these things a fresh survey has to be done, nothing other than that,' he said. the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes' survey report was placed before the cabinet for the first time on April 11. The Siddaramaiah-led Congress government (2013-2018) had in 2015 commissioned the survey in the state. The State Backward Classes Commission, under its then chairperson H Kantharaju, was tasked with preparing a caste census report. The survey work was completed in 2018 towards the end of Siddaramaiah's first tenure as Chief Minister, and the report was finalised by Kantharaju's successor K Jayaprakash Hegde in February 2024. Experts said that a fresh survey could help the Congress consolidate OBC votes. 'A caste census alone won't achieve much unless it's used as a tool to mobilise the OBCs, who have never come together as a unified group. In AHINDA, the loose link is the OBCs, Kurubas support the Congress because of Siddaramaiah, not necessarily due to any resentment towards the BJP,' said political analyst A Narayana. Leader of Opposition in the state assembly R Ashoka said the move is an 'embarrassment' and 'defeat' for CM Siddaramaiah, while it is a political win for deputy CM DK Shivakumar. 'We had all opposed this report. The Congress High Command also felt that this report was not right. The High Command has given a slap in the face to Siddaramaiah. Despite the CM's insistence that he would implement the report no matter what, he has now gone back on his words, so it would be appropriate for him to resign. ₹160 crore has been wasted, and they don't have the funds to conduct another survey. They must answer for this,' he said. BJP leader N Ravi Kumar alleged that the Congress high command and its top leader Rahul Gandhi were never in agreement with Siddaramaiah's caste census right from the beginning. 'In fact, Rahul Gandhi had urged the Centre to consider Telangana's example as a model while taking up the caste census. He would have mentioned Karnataka's caste census as the model if he had faith in it,' the BJP MLC argued.
