logo
TMC asks if protest doc is a British national

TMC asks if protest doc is a British national

Time of India5 hours ago

Kolkata:
TMC
on Saturday questioned whether Rajat Shubhra Banerjee was a British national and staying in Kolkata with an OCI card.
This came on a day when Bengal
BJP
spokesperson Samik Bhattacharya said that "to the best of my knowledge, he (Banerjee) is not an Indian citizen and therefore the Bengal medical council cannot question him".
TMC spokesperson Kunal Ghosh said: "If he is a British citizen and here on an OCI card, then why is he (Banerjee) making political statements? Isn't that ground enough to declare him a persona non grata and throw him out of Bengal? But we are a democracy, we will never ask for it."

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Pahalgam probe: In hunt for gunmen, 2 possibilities on radar
Pahalgam probe: In hunt for gunmen, 2 possibilities on radar

Hindustan Times

time29 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

Pahalgam probe: In hunt for gunmen, 2 possibilities on radar

New Delhi: The manhunt for the Pahalgam attackers continues with no arrests since the April 22 assault at Baisaran meadow. (PTI) Indian security forces are pursuing two theories about the whereabouts of three terrorists who killed 26 tourists in Kashmir two months ago, with officials divided over whether the attackers remain in hiding or have fled to Pakistan. The manhunt for the Pahalgam attackers continues with no arrests since the April 22 assault at Baisaran meadow, according to three security officials who spoke on condition of anonymity. Authorities have identified the suspected attackers as Hashim Musa, also known as Suleiman, and Ali Bhai, also called Talha Bhai — both Pakistani nationals — and local operative Adil Hussain Thokker. The government has offered rewards of ₹ 20 lakh for each suspect. Initial eyewitness accounts suggested four to five terrorists could have been involved, though security forces have so far identified these three. Security agencies are split between two assessments of the terrorists' location, the officials said, citing these as based on 'tell-tale signs' and 'intelligence assessments'. The first theory suggests the same group was involved in a May 22 gun battle with security forces in Kishtwar's dense forests, where one army soldier was killed and two others wounded. Officials believe the attackers then fled deeper into the jungle towards the Doda-Kishtwar-Ramban border region and may have crossed into Pakistan. The second assessment holds that the terrorists remain hidden in the Tral ridge area, avoiding electronic communication with Pakistani handlers or local contacts. 'Both theories are based on intelligence assessments and have been discussed in detail by the Army, paramilitary forces and Jammu and Kashmir police,' said one official. 'But there is no definite answer.' Most security officials favour the second theory, citing heavy troop deployment near the border following the attack and continuous satellite surveillance. The National Investigation Agency, which is formally investigating the case, has questioned hundreds of people over two months, including suspected collaborators, pony operators, vendors and tourism workers. Investigators have also examined videos and photographs taken by families at Baisaran that day. Since the April attack, security forces have killed six terrorists in separate encounters across Kashmir, but the Pahalgam attackers remain at large. The Resistance Front, a proxy group for the banned Lashkar-e-Taiba organisation, claimed responsibility for the attack. Indian agencies say the group is a front used by Pakistan to avoid international sanctions. As first reported by HT on April 24, intelligence agencies traced the attack's digital communications to safe houses in Muzaffarabad and Karachi, establishing Pakistani involvement in what officials described as similar to the control room-operated 2008 Mumbai attacks. India responded with Operation Sindoor on May 7, bombing nine terrorist camps across Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir in pre-dawn strikes that killed at least 100 militants. The operation sparked four days of cross-border fighting involving fighter jets, missiles and artillery. On the night of May 9-10, the Indian Air Force struck targets at 13 Pakistani airbases and military installations before hostilities ended on May 10. Last week, the Financial Action Task Force condemned the Pahalgam attack, saying such operations require significant funding and money transfer capabilities between terrorist supporters. India also raised the attack at a United Nations meeting in Vienna last month, accusing Pakistan-based groups including Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad of orchestrating attacks on Indian soil.

Mainland autonomy requires oceanic depth
Mainland autonomy requires oceanic depth

New Indian Express

time35 minutes ago

  • New Indian Express

Mainland autonomy requires oceanic depth

The Chinese reaction to the American immigration fracas has strategic undercurrents with a view to not only create alternate models but also emerge as a global education hub. I have previously written on the Chinese build-up towards building world class universities through state facilitated policies with a long-term plan. The size and speed at which they are advancing is shaking certain fundamentals of the game. The 'haigui' (sea-turtles) as the foreign educated returning Chinese are called, have been instrumental in building the science and engineering education in many universities like Tsinghua and Peking comparable to America. Some Chinese are looking at Singapore, Hong Kong, Japan, etc. as alternate geographies besides the increasing others who want to develop Chinese University using this turbulence as an opportunity. The Chinese government cannot change what America is doing but certainly is changing what it can do. The Indian side of the foreign landscape is a mixed bag. Surpassing China in terms of growth rate last year, China still retaining the top status of sending the largest number of Chinese to top five destinations—the US, UK, Canada, Australia and France, India is second to China in absolute numbers. India also seems to find an alternate growing interest in Australia, EU, Japan, etc. but needs more efforts to build the native Indian university ecosystem with a foreign touch. Though India and China have invested roughly the same in education (averaging 4.1 per cent to 4.6 per cent of GDP), the Chinese per capita investment is five times more that of India. The lucrative research grants and the magnetic incentives luring back overseas Chinese to China are the double engines of university reforms in China besides revitalising its university autonomy. The UGC Regulations for establishing foreign university campuses in India is a route for foreign universities taking the Pacific or Atlantic or Arabian Sea route to enter India with an oceanic depth in autonomy. The global academic freedom index is a pointer for more university autonomy in India. The regulatory framework for Indian universities in India requires more autonomy which may be given to the top 100 NIRF universities to begin with. There will be marginal collateral damage but it is worth the effort as mainland institutional autonomy requires the oceanic depth that others enjoy. Is anybody listening?

How will Israel-Iran conflict impact India?
How will Israel-Iran conflict impact India?

The Hindu

timean hour ago

  • The Hindu

How will Israel-Iran conflict impact India?

The story so far: As the latest Israel-Iran conflict crossed the one-week mark, the Indian government began to bring back Indian citizens from both countries, fearing a further escalation. In a sudden attack on June 13, Israel launched strikes on Iranian nuclear installations, assassinated top generals, and bombed several cities across the country. Iran's response has been more robust than expected, as it too has launched barrage after barrage of ballistic missiles on military targets and research facilities in Israel. How has India reacted to the conflict? Prime Minister Narendra Modi received a call from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on June 13, briefing him on the attack by Israel on Iran's nuclear facilities in several cities, including Tehran, where senior Iranian generals were assassinated through targeted strikes. The strikes were a clear violation of international law, Iran argued at the U.N. Security Council, as even Israel claimed they were 'pre-emptive' and not in retaliation to an attack. In a statement, the government said Mr. Modi had 'shared India's concern and emphasised the need for early restoration of peace and stability in the region.' In a call with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar expressed the 'deep concern of the international community at the turn of events,' and urged against retaliation and for diplomacy. Mr. Jaishankar also spoke to Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) statement played safe, calling for dialogue and diplomacy while making no criticism of Israel for launching the strikes. It also disassociated from a statement of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), which includes China, Russia, Iran, Pakistan, Belarus and Central Asian states, that had condemned Israel's 'aggression'. Also read: India stands 'isolated' over abstention on Gaza ceasefire in the UNGA, says Congress Last week, India had abstained in a UN resolution for a ceasefire in Gaza. Every other member of BRICS, SCO and SAARC and even all G-7 members minus the U.S. had voted in favour of the resolution critical of Israel's bombardment of Gaza. In a break from older positions, New Delhi has made it clear that India will not criticise Israel. What about Indians caught in the conflict? As the conflict escalated, the MEA and its embassies in Tehran and Tel Aviv put evacuation efforts, as part of what was named 'Operation Sindhu', on priority. Unlike the rest of West Asia, where nearly 10 million Indians reside, relatively fewer numbers live in Iran and Israel. There are about 10,000 students and professionals in Iran and about 25,000 workers, students and researchers in Israel, many of whom only moved recently to fill in for construction and caregiver jobs after Israel dismissed thousands of Palestinian workers in the wake of the October 7 terror attacks in 2023. The evacuation efforts are multi-pronged and require the cooperation of both governments to help Indians cross over to bordering countries and fly back. Iran has even opened its airspace, otherwise closed due to the war, to allow chartered flights carrying Indian citizens home. While it is important to keep them safe, the government has learnt from past conflicts that it is necessary to find work and study opportunities for those coming back, or they end up returning to the conflict zones. Apart from the loss in remittances, what's at stake for India economically? India has had declining levels of trade with both Iran and Israel in the last few years due to tensions in the region. After India bowed to the previous Trump administration's demand to cancel oil trade or face sanctions, its trade with Iran dropped from about $14 billion in 2017 to $1.4 billion last year. Tensions in the Gulf region post-attacks as well as Israeli operations on Gaza have also sent trade with Israel down from $11 billion in 2022 to $3.75 billion last year, the Indian embassy said. However, India's defence imports from Israel have soared in the past decade, from about $5.6 million in 2015 to $128 million presently. However, where India will feel the pinch financially, is in trade route disruptions, especially if the Strait of Hormuz is closed as a pressure tactic by Iran, or due to intensified fighting. According to thinktank GTRI, this could sharply increase oil and LNG prices, given that 40-50% of India's energy imports come through the area. Shipping costs, security, and insurance premiums would rise, leading to more costly imports, less competitive exports, and inflation. What are the geopolitical impacts of the conflict for New Delhi to worry about? Dealing with the Israel-Iran conflict has always meant a tricky tightrope balance for New Delhi, given its strong ties with both countries. The balance is also required in view of the two polarised parts of the world they represent. The U.S. and G-7 countries have largely backed Israel strikes as its 'right to defend itself'. In a joint statement at the summit in Canada this week, they called Iran the 'principal source of regional instability and terror' that can 'never have a nuclear weapon'. U.S. President Donald Trump is mulling a decision to formally join the attack on Iran, but U.S. support for Israel is crucial and unquestioning, even if he doesn't. Mr. Trump's lunch invitation to Pakistan's Army chief General Asim Munir this week, and speculation that the U.S. may ask Pakistan for support in a possible operation in Iran, from logistics to overflight and refuelling to intelligence sharing, will make India's path more difficult. Also read: Huge blow to Indian diplomacy, says Congress on Trump-Munir lunch On the other hand, the Global South, which has been very critical of Israel's war in Gaza, has also expressed sympathies with Iran during the current crisis. After the stand India took with the SCO, all eyes will be on what position Mr. Modi takes when he travels to Brazil for the BRICS summit of emerging economies on July 6-7. Apart from founders Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, the BRICS grouping includes new members Iran, the UAE, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and now Indonesia (Saudi Arabia has yet to formally join), and India will face a harder challenge in separating itself from any statement that is issued there. There's also the possible cost to India's ties with the Gulf region that has to be factored in. For India, West Asia is not just the source of 40% of its remittances but also 54% of oil imports and the region accounts for over $170 billion in trade. A perceived pro-Israel shift has a reputational impact for India, which was the first non-Arab nation to recognise the Palestinian State. Finally, there is the impact of a prolonged Israel-Iran conflict on India's connectivity plans. Plans for the India Middle East Europe Economic Corridor had already run aground after the October 7 attacks given that it requires connectivity through Arab countries and through Israel to Haifa port. With the current crisis, India's investment in the Chabahar port project and the International North-South Transport Corridor for trade and connectivity to Afghanistan, Central Asia and Eurasia will be affected, and New Delhi's best hope is an early end to the conflict.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store