Philippine midterm elections: Marcos set for political ‘thrashing' at hands of youth voters
A surprise surge of youth voters has upended the Philippines' midterm elections, delivering what analysts have described as a political 'thrashing' for President Ferdinand Marcos Jnr and complicating the path forward for his administration.
Advertisement
With only five of Marcos Jnr's remaining 10 Senate candidates poised to win seats – after two of the original 12 switched allegiances at the last minute – observers say the eventual results could weaken his influence in Congress, undermine efforts to convict Vice-President Sara Duterte-Carpio in an impending impeachment trial, and reshape the battlefield for the 2028 presidential race.
'This is probably one of the most dramatic late election developments I have ever seen, since virtually all the latest surveys failed to predict this outcome,' said Barry Gutierrez, a former lawmaker and spokesman for ex-vice-president Leni Robredo.
Historian Manolo Quezon described the outcome so far as 'the fourth worst' midterm showing for a sitting president since 1938. Although the vote appears evenly split – with five candidates each from the Marcos and Duterte factions projected to take Senate seats – the results so far suggest a wider public disaffection with the president.
The tallies are from partial, unofficial results obtained from the 'central server' controlled by the Commission on Elections (Comelec), which has said final confirmation of the winners would be due by the weekend.
Advertisement
Among the likely victors personally endorsed by Duterte-Carpio are returning senators Ronald 'Bato' Dela Rosa and Imee Marcos, as well as Rodante Marcoleta – a sitting congressman – and Congresswoman Camille Villar. The vice-president's endorsement was seen as crucial to their success.
Villar and Imee Marcos, the president's sister, had initially appeared on Marcos Jnr's official slate but switched allegiance to Duterte-Carpio's side shortly before the election.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
South China Morning Post
5 hours ago
- South China Morning Post
South China Sea: Beijing's 4 core principles held up as route to peace in disputed waters
A state-backed think tank has put forward China's 'four core principles' as a constructive framework for addressing disputes in the South China Sea , while blaming regional tensions on external actors who fuel rival claimants' actions and weaken the 'willingness for maritime cooperation'. 'China has long been committed to managing tensions and differences with disputing parties, and exercising great restraint in disputes', Xinhua Institute, a think tank affiliated with state news agency Xinhua, said in a research report released on Sunday. China would uphold its four core principles, 'which have withstood the test of time' to transform the disputed waterway into a region of peace and cooperation, it added. According to the report, these principles are: resolving disputes through consultation on an equal footing, managing differences through rules-based co-management, achieving positive outcomes through mutually beneficial cooperation, and opposing interference from external forces while encouraging them to play a constructive role. China formally presented its blueprint for cooperation in the South China Sea in 2002 through an agreement with Asean. Beijing's expansive claims over the busy, resource-rich waters are contested by several member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, including Vietnam, Malaysia and the Philippines, a US treaty ally. Since 2023, face-offs between Chinese and Philippine vessels in disputed waters have become more frequent, particularly near Scarborough Shoal, Second Thomas Shoal and, most recently, the Sandy Cay coral reef.
South China Morning Post
13 hours ago
- South China Morning Post
How China's diaspora became both an asset and a source of anxiety
Wang Gungwu – one of Asia's most respected historians and a pioneering scholar of the Chinese diaspora – explores in Roads to Chinese Modernity: Civilisation and National Culture how China evolved into a modern nation navigating reform and globalisation. In this excerpt, Wang traces how, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, reformers and revolutionaries such as Kang You-wei, Liang Qichao and Sun Yat-sen began rallying support from overseas Chinese communities. Once dismissed as disloyal exiles, these migrants soon came to be seen as both a strategic asset and a political risk in China's rise. The overseas Chinese attracted wide attention when political figures like Kang You-wei, Liang Qichao and Sun Yat-sen reached out to engage them about the future of China . Whether the message was to seek reforms or to overthrow the regime, these Chinese were responsive to the calls for help. Some of those who had recently come from China had anti-Manchu backgrounds, while others were ashamed that it was repeatedly defeated by the West, and alarmed that China was backward and getting poorer. This not only affected their pride but also their status and security abroad, especially those who already felt discriminated against in one way or another. Even though some in the Southeast Asian colonies became rich despite this, they were successful only because they were very adaptable and willing to take many risks. Many others were not so fortunate and ended up destitute. Under the circumstances, the more successful merchant classes were ready to help their idealistic kinsmen from their birth country to connect the outside world with China and help it become modern and competitive. As a result, more Chinese officials and politicians became aware that these external communities could be assets in China's future development. It is interesting to recall that Europeans trading in Southeast Asia had long been conscious of the range and vitality of Chinese entrepreneurship. From the 16th century on, Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch and later British writers had been describing, some in considerable detail, the valuable role of Chinese merchants, their versatility and skill. Although none of the studies were systematic, these records led to studies of Chinese potential as partners and competitors, as cheap labour, as immigrants, but eventually also as threats to colonial and imperial interests. Later, and elsewhere in the Americas and Australasia , the reactions were different. Chinese labour was considered cheap and crime-ridden, and for decades the numbers allowed to stay were severely cut down. During the first half of the 20th century, the Republican Chinese government could do little to help them. Thus, in most of these places, the Chinese who remained had almost become 'invisible people'.
South China Morning Post
15 hours ago
- South China Morning Post
Not much substance to the Philippines' cabinet reshuffle
Feel strongly about these letters, or any other aspects of the news? Share your views by emailing us your Letter to the Editor at letters@ or filling in this Google form . Submissions should not exceed 400 words, and must include your full name and address, plus a phone number for verification Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jnr recently called for the resignation of all cabinet secretaries after his party's poor performance in the midterm election. What does this say about his leadership? In the Philippine system, legislators and cabinet secretaries occupy two very distinct spheres. Legislators are elected by popular vote, in a test of public sentiment or campaign strength. These factors are outside the control of cabinet secretaries, who are appointed by the president based on trust. Legislators craft and pass laws. Cabinet secretaries implement laws and advise the president on matters related to their department. Using electoral outcomes to evaluate appointed officials risks blurring the line between the two spheres. It suggests their work should somehow influence voter sentiment, when they should be focused on delivering effective policy outcomes and building institutions that outlast terms of office. Certainly, the midterm election could be a measure of a president's popularity. But it is not an appropriate metric for assessing those who are not elected officials. If Marcos' intention is to bring about change without having to name underperformers, the gesture comes across more as a display of power. It avoids the more difficult job of sifting through details to address the root causes of problems and coming up with targeted solutions.
