
Budapest Pride expected to be a rallying cry against Orbán's rollback of rights
Record numbers of people are expected to take part in Budapest Pride on Saturday, with Hungarians joining forces with campaigners and politicians from across Europe in a march that has become a potent symbol of pushback against the Hungarian government's steady rollback of rights.
'This weekend, all eyes are on Budapest,' Hadja Lahbib, the European commissioner for equality, told reporters in the Hungarian capital on Friday. 'This is bigger than one Pride celebration, one Pride march. It is about the right to be who you are, to love who you want, whether it is in Budapest, in Brussels or anywhere else.'
The country's main Pride march was cast into doubt earlier this year after the country's ruling Fidesz party – led by the rightwing populist Viktor Orbán – backed legislation that created a legal basis for Pride to be banned, citing a widely criticised need to protect children. The government also said it would use facial recognition software to identify people attending any banned events, potentially fining them up to €500 (£425).
The move caused outrage from within Hungary and beyond, turning Budapest Pride into a rallying cry against a government that has long faced criticism for weakening democratic institutions and gradually undermining the rule of law.
Lahbib said the EU was standing alongside LGBTQ+ people. 'It is a core value to gather peacefully, to be who you are, to love who you want,' she said. 'These are the core values that generations before us have built, brick by brick, and we are not going to allow any kind of regression from one of our member states.'
Organisers of Budapest Pride, which this year will mark its 30th anniversary, said the government was attempting to restrict peaceful protests by targeting them. 'This event was one of the important milestones of the LGBTQ community,' said its spokesperson Máté Hegedüs. 'Our slogan this year is that we are at home. By this, we want to draw attention to the fact that LGBTQ people are an integral part of Hungarian society, just as any other people. In our history, in our culture, this is where we belong.'
Hours before the march was due to begin, however, uncertainty loomed over how officials would react.
While Orbán has said that those who attend or organise the march will face 'legal consequences', he said Hungary was a 'civilised country' and police would not 'break it up … It cannot reach the level of physical abuse'.
Nicolae Ștefănuță, the vice-president of the European parliament, on Friday called on police to respect those attending. 'I would like to say that the police and institutions of the state have a duty to protect the citizens,' he said. 'It's as clear as possible.'
The sentiment was echoed in a petition, signed by more than 120,000 people spanning 73 countries, that called on police to 'reject this unjust law' – believed to be the first of its kind in the EU's recent history – and ensure that the march proceeded 'unhindered and peacefully, free from discrimination, harassment, fear or violence'.
Despite uncertainty, tens of thousands of Hungarians are expected to take part. Joining them will be politicians and rights campaigners from more than 30 countries, including Ireland's former taoiseach Leo Varadkar, Spain's minister of culture, Ernest Urtasun, more than 70 members of the European parliament, and the mayors of Brussels and Amsterdam.
The European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, this week joined calls for Hungarian authorities to allow the event to go ahead. Orbán was swift to hit back, likening it to receiving orders from Moscow in communist times. 'She thinks she can dictate to Hungarians from Brussels how they should live,' he said in a radio interview.
The widespread pushback, both domestic and international, had seemingly done little to dissuade the Hungarian government. This week, the country's justice minister, Bence Tuzson, appeared to warn embassy staff from attending the event.
'The legal situation is clear: the Pride parade is a legally banned assembly,' he said in a letter seen by the Guardian. 'Those who take part in an event prohibited by the authorities commit an infraction,' he said, adding that those organising or announcing the event faced up to a year in prison.
The progressive mayor of Budapest, Gergely Karácsony, has said the gathering will instead go ahead as a municipal event, meaning it will not require official authorisation.
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The result was an 'extraordinary scenario', said Márta Pardavi of the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, a human rights organisation. 'Currently the legal situation is quite unclear – it is unclear whether this will be a demonstration that the police have banned or whether it will be some other type of event, as Mayor Karácsony has talked about.'
The NGO has joined forces with two other organisations to produce a Q&A for the event, addressing concerns such as whether attenders risk being fired from their jobs and whether being fined could later jeopardise university entrance or foreign travel. The organisations have also promised to provide legal aid to any participants who are fined.
Complicating matters were three countermarches planned on Saturday by groups with ties to the extreme right, said Pardavi. 'This means you will have a lot of people with very, very different views on the streets,' she said.
Analysts have described the government's hardline stance against Pride as another move in its years-long rollback of LGBTQ+ rights. This time, however, it comes as Orbán faces an unprecedented challenge from a former member of the Fidesz party's elite, Péter Magyar, before next year's elections, leading organisers to suggest they are being scapegoated as Orbán scrambles to shore up support among conservative voters.
The widespread view has led Hungarians from all walks of life – including many who have never marched before – to take part in Saturday's event.
'These are the actions of a government in the run-up to an election they fear they will lose, so they are trying to distract public attention from their deep corruption and unpopularity,' said Andrew Ryder, who is among a group of academics from Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest who will be joining the march in solidarity.
'I am deeply concerned that my home, Hungary, is on a trajectory that will lead to fascism,' he said. 'However, the mood of the country is turning and if Hungary can restore its democracy it could be a model for other countries trying to overcome authoritarianism.'
Nearly 50 organisations from across Europe have meanwhile urged EU officials to launch an infringement procedure against Hungary, citing the possibility that real-time facial recognition would be used on attenders. If so, it would be a 'glaring violation' of the EU's recently adopted Artificial Intelligence Act, the letter noted. Hungarian officials have yet to release details on how the technology will be deployed.
'Hungary's use of facial recognition to surveil Pride events marks a worrying change in how new technologies can be used to suppress dissent and target marginalised communities,' the Civil Liberties Union for Europe, one of the signatories of the letter, said in a statement. It said it risked a 'dangerous precedent by normalising invasive monitoring of peaceful gatherings and undermining civil liberties'.
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BBC News
an hour ago
- BBC News
Thousands party at Budapest Pride in clear message to Orban
Budapest advertises itself as a party town. On Saturday, the party spilled out onto the streets, and occupied, in the scorching heat of summer, the Elizabeth Bridge and the river banks and downtown areas on both shores of the 100,000 and 200,000 mostly young people danced and sang their way from Pest to Buda. A distance that usually takes only 20 minutes on foot stretched to three Minister Viktor Orban's ban, many Budapest Pride participants told me, spurred them to attend an event they usually stay away from. Last year, just 35,000 took banners mocked the Hungarian prime minister. It was like a peaceful revenge by some of those he has declared war on during his past 15 years in power."In my history class, I learnt enough, to recognise a dictatorship. You don't need to illustrate it - Vik!" read one hand-made banner. "I'm so bored of Fascism," read another. T-shirts with Orban's image, in bright eyeshadow and lipstick, were everywhere. While the LGBT community with its vivid paraphernalia made up the core of the march, this year's Pride turned into a celebration of human rights and solidarity."We don't exactly look as though we were banned!" a beaming Budapest mayor, Gergely Karacsony, told the crowd, in a speech in front of the Budapest Technical march could go down as the crowning moment of his political career. A city hall starved of funds and in constant struggle with the central government dared to host an event the government tried to ban, and won - for now at least."In fact, we look like we're peacefully and freely performing a big, fat show to a puffed-up and hateful power. The message is clear: they have no power over us!" Karacsony continued. Among the attendees was Finnish MEP Li Andersson, who felt Orban was using arguments on family values as a pretext to ban the march."It's important to emphasise that the reason why we are here is not only Pride - this is about the fundamental rights of all of us," she said. The ban was based on a new law, passed by the big majority held by Orban's Fidesz party in parliament, subordinating the freedom of assembly to a 2021 Child Protection law that equated homosexuality with paedophilia, and therefore banned the portrayal or promotion of homosexuality in places where children might see police justified a ban on Saturday's march on the grounds children might witness it. In response, the mayor cited a 2001 law stating events organised by councils do not fall under the right of assembly. In the end, the police officers present at the march kept a discreet presence, looking on mournfully at a party from which they were excluded. In another part of the city, Orban attended the graduation ceremony of 162 new police and customs officers, and new officials of the National Directorate-General for Policing Aliens."Order does not come into being by itself, it must be created, because without it civilised life will be lost," Orban told the students and their families. Earlier, he and other prominent Fidesz officials posted pictures of themselves with their children and grandchildren, in an attempt to reclaim the "pride" word."Post a picture, to show them what we're proud of," Alexandra Szentkiralyi, the head of the Fidesz faction in the Budapest Council, posted on Facebook, alongside a picture of herself in a rather plain "Hungary" police presence was restrained in Budapest on Saturday, but temporary cameras installed ahead of the march and mounted on police vehicles recorded the whole event. The 18 March law that attempted to ban the Pride gave the police new powers to use facial recognition software. Fines of between £14 ($19) and £430 could be imposed on pro-government media was scathing in its criticism of the day's events, echoing remarks by leading Fidesz politicians that the march was a celebration of perversity, with nothing to do with freedom of assembly."Chaos at Budapest Pride," proclaimed Magyar Nemzet, the government flagship."The notorious climate activist and more recently terrorist supporter Greta Thunberg posted on her Instagram page that she is also at Budapest Pride," it continued."After the demonstration, this will be a question for the courts," Zoltan Kiszelly, a political analyst close to the government, told the BBC. "If the courts decide in favour of the mayor and the (Pride) organisers, then Orban can say, okay, we have to change the legislation again." If the courts decide for the government, however, the prime minister can be pleased with the law he pushed through - despite the fact Pride went ahead.


Times
2 hours ago
- Times
Green firebrand challenges Corbynites: Join me in the radical left
On June 29, 2016, Jeremy Corbyn appeared at a central London rally and made an attempt to move on from the Brexit referendum held the previous week. The Labour leader was instead heckled by a 33-year-old hypnotherapist actor who, unbeknown to the left-wing activists present, had just launched his political career as a candidate for the Liberal Democrats. 'What about Europe, Jeremy!' Zack Polanski jeered. 'Where were you when we needed you?' Corbyn, brow furrowed, appeared speechless, leaving his supporters to hiss and drown out the noise. Today, Polanski is neither an unknown on the left nor a Lib Dem. The tiggerish London Assembly member is running to become leader of the Green Party, of which he is already deputy and whose politics over the past decade have tracked him in moving steadily leftwards. He is still generating headlines and posing complicated questions of Corbyn and the Corbynites. The surprising dynamic is that Polanski — a gay vegan Jew who long ago traded his native Salford for north London — is now doing so in the spirit of comradeship. Addressing the question of his transformation, he invokes Corbyn's hero, Tony Benn: he is interested in where people are going, he says, not where they are from. As such, Polanski has spent recent weeks positioning himself as the radical socialist and pro-Palestine — for which read Corbynite — candidate for the leadership not only of the Greens but of the British left in its entirety. The size and political complexion of the Greens' grassroots membership today is poorly understood (last year it was estimated to number about 57,000, albeit it is thought to have grown since) but his 'eco-populist' vision has generated more noise than his two rivals, MPs Adrian Ramsay and Ellie Chowns, who are running on a joint ticket. In the event that he wins the contest, the results of which will be announced at the start of September after a summer of campaigning, he wants the independent MP for Islington North in the tent. Speaking from the Glastonbury festival, where he is busy canvassing, and where Corbyn appeared on the Pyramid Stage at his peak in 2017, Polanski said: 'Anyone who aligns with our values in the Green Party is very welcome to join the party, and so I'd love to see progressive left-wing MPs in the party.' Does that include Corbyn? What of his parliamentary protégés, including those in the Socialist Campaign Group, the left-wing faction of Labour MPs? He confirms: 'Anyone who aligns — and I believe that Zarah [Sultana, the firebrand MP for Coventry South] and Jeremy do align with where the Green Party are — that's a decision for them.' He rattles off a list of socialist positions he would seek to enact: 'protecting the NHS'; 'building social homes'; a 'wealth tax'; and stopping the 'genocide in Gaza'. The reason such pronouncements are causing much debate, and a degree of discomfort, on the left is that it has spent the almost two years since October 7 discussing the future of progressive politics — but failing to identify a clear solution or leader before the next election. Polanski, as one Corbynite puts it, is threatening to 'eat [our] lunch'. Since last year, Reform UK has taken centre stage as the main opposition to Sir Keir Starmer and the established order in Westminster. Yet the Greens won four seats, their most so far and one fewer than Reform, secured two million votes, and came second in 40 seats. Elsewhere, disgruntled socialists and Muslim voters delivered five independent MPs, Corbyn among them. The difference is that Nigel Farage has long personified the anti-immigrant, anti-woke sentiment; is a dominant figure within Reform who has vanquished all internal allies; and has singular communications skills. The radical left has no such person. It has a more complicated relationship with hierarchy in the first instance. It is also less of the view that parliament is the only place where proper politics can be done, especially on the issue of Gaza. Parliamentary chicanery has had far less impact, and visibility, than weekly marches up and down the country, attacks on allegedly pro-Israel businesses and the recent infiltration of RAF Brize Norton. Polanski is adamant that opposition to Israel's actions in Gaza is not limited to the party's traditional urban base — in cities like Brighton and Bristol — nor the British Muslim community. He says of the Red Wall areas where Greens have performed surprisingly well — among them South Tyneside council, where they are the second largest party now: 'In fact, I think in those seats, people are equally concerned with the genocide in Gaza, and people are really affected by inequality.' The Greens — who were the first party in England and Wales to call the Jewish state an 'apartheid' and the first to say it was committing 'genocide' — has at times faced criticism for its track record on expelling antisemitic councillors, but also its focus on the Middle East. Its current leader hand-delivered a petition to her local council asking the mayor to write to the foreign secretary to demand a ceasefire, and prior to the last election circulated leaflets featuring the Palestine flag and images of rubble. Polanski is unapologetic about that. 'I think fundamentally, there's a genocide in Gaza. And actually, the Palestinian people are the story here,' he says. 'And I think often we can all get distracted by talking about groups and actions. And actually, I'd much rather focus on stopping the war, working for a ceasefire, and ending the occupation of Israel.' Adding to the complexity is the fact that many of the left's leading lights — such as Sultana — are still part of Labour, even if she is currently suspended. And others still suffer from what their nemesis, Lord Mandelson, has called 'long Corbyn': the trauma of his suspension from Labour, his repudiation at the ballot box in 2019 and the allegations of antisemitism. Still, leading figures on the left are increasingly of the view that something needs to be done to capitalise on the political moment. Gaza remains a galvanising force — and anti-Labour sentiment is not going away, either on the activist left or in the Muslim community. Support for Labour among committed progressives has fallen from 67 per cent in 2019 to 49 per cent at last year's election, and down to 39 per cent last month. Over the past week, three Greens have won council by-elections triggered by defections or resignations from Labour — including most recently its first in Greenwich. Current polling suggests that — even without a Corbynite tilt — the party would win ultra-safe Labour seats such as Huddersfield. Meanwhile, Luke Tryl, of the pollster More in Common, points to the fact that, in local elections in May, in seats where more than 30 per cent of voters were Muslim, half voted for independent candidates. Within a political tradition known for its splittism, there is unanimity within the left only about the fact such feeling demands one of three things: a new party, a parliamentary grouping or a national movement. To that, Polanski's rejoinder is simple: all three already exist in the form of the Greens. In the event he wins, he says, he intends to depart from the party's traditional identity — as a 'single-issue party' of polar bears and saving the countryside — and pivot towards full-fat leftism. He explains: 'So it's up to anyone what they want to do in terms of starting new things. But actually, I'd encourage anyone right now, whether they're a member of another party, or indeed, an MP from another party, if they align with our values, to join with the Greens.' While his party has a quixotic structure that requires leadership elections every two years and involves the grassroots in policymaking, Polanski has been unusually prepared to speak the usual language of conventional politics. He says the party needs to be less timid and to 'learn' from Farage, whose communications skills, and clarity of vision, have made him favourite to be the next prime minister. And despite the queasiness on the left about the role of parliament, Polanski has resolved, as Farage did, that all roads to power run through Westminster. He says: 'I actually have a constituency in mind, and I want to be one of the first group of new London MPs, or first group of London Green MPs.' • Baroness Jones: You're never too old to be arrested as a Green The question then — beyond the outcome of the race — is whether or not the rest of the left has a rival plan. After a More in Common poll suggested a party led by Corbyn could win 10 per cent of the vote, Andrew Murray, his former aide, last week revealed in an eyebrow-raising account in the socialist daily Morning Star two options had long been under consideration. One was Collective, a new national party founded by Karie Murphy, Corbyn's former chief of staff, whose central idea is to install him as interim leader. The other, which is nameless, seeks to create a looser parliamentary grouping of pro-Gaza MPs, possibly with Corbyn or Sultana as figureheads. Murray added that those two tendencies had now combined, indicating a new organisation could be launched imminently. For the Greens, or any new party, there is a final question. Even if the left found a way to unite, what is the best it could achieve at a general election in 2029? The idea of a progressive alternative to Starmer has acquired momentum precisely because of his rightward shift and his determination instead to court Reform votes. Yet if he continues to fall in the polls, would liberal and left voters not support him in order to avoid opening the door to Farage? More in Common says that most Green (57 per cent) and Lib Dem (51 per cent) voters would vote tactically to keep out Reform. For now, it appears that, whatever its configuration, in Westminster at least, the left is likely to remain on the periphery.


Times
2 hours ago
- Times
Class still decides our elections, even in this mixed-up world
A few years ago, while out gauging public support for Ukip in a by-election town, I asked a late-middle-aged couple leaving a supermarket if they had ever thought of voting for the party. The woman seemed on the verge of vomiting, and looked at me with the kind of hate-stare you get when you ask someone if they can perhaps move their bags from a train seat so you can sit down. The man was more avuncular and just raised his two shopping bags aloft. 'What do you think?' he asked, displaying the Waitrose logo. 'You're at the wrong supermarket. Try Morrisons, or the Co-op.' A year or two before this, I had been snapped at by a very smartly dressed elderly woman when I asked the same question. 'How dare you?' she hooted. 'You should be looking for elderly men with no teeth on mobility scooters.'