
Arsonists streamed Ukraine-linked warehouse attack for Wagner Group, court told
Around £1 million of damage was caused by the blaze at an industrial unit in Leyton, east London, last March 20, the Old Bailey was told.
The attack was orchestrated by Dylan Earl, 20 and Jake Reeves, 23, who have admitted aggravated arson on behalf of the Wagner Group and an offence under the National Security Act, jurors heard.
Jakeem Rose, 23, Ugnius Asmena, 20, Nii Mensah, 23 and Paul English, 61, were allegedly recruited to set fire to the warehouse.
Opening their trial on Wednesday, Duncan Penny KC said the evidence against them was 'overwhelming'.
He said that CCTV, traffic cameras and phone evidence tracked their journey in English's Kia Picanto through south London to the scene of the fire.
More footage captured Rose and Mensah getting out of the vehicle, climbing over a wall and approaching the warehouses, jurors heard.
Having filled a jerry can en route at a petrol station, Rose poured the contents onto warehouse unit doors and set them alight, it was alleged.
Meanwhile, Mensah filmed the arson attack on his mobile phone and livestreamed it on FaceTime, jurors were told.
Jurors were told that a lorry driver parked nearby was bedding down for the night at the time.
He bravely but unsuccessfully tried to put out the fire, putting himself in significant danger, Mr Penny said.
Rose dropped a very large knife with his DNA on it, with Mensah later messaging Reeves to say 'L9 (Rose's nickname) left his Rambo at the scene', the court heard.
Eight fire crews tackled the 'significant' fire on the Cromwell Industrial Estate after it broke out shortly before midnight.
It caused 'extensive damage' to the property and risked the lives of those nearby, he said.
About 20 minutes after the attack, Mensah allegedly messaged Earl: 'Bro there was bare smoke … You saw it on Face Time.'
A few hours later, he allegedly added: 'Bro lol it's on the news … we dun damagees (sic).'
Mr Penny told jurors: 'This was deliberate and calculated criminality – at the behest of foreign influence.
'In the case of these defendants at the time of the fire they may have been ignorant of that influence and the motive may have been financial – good old-fashioned greed.
'For others, however, it appears to have been both political and ideological.'
The prosecutor said the warehouse was targeted for its connection to Ukraine and the fact that the business there was concerned in logistics.
The firm frequently delivered goods to Ukraine, including StarLink satellite equipment, and was involved in organising humanitarian aid, the court was told.
Earl was said to be the 'architect' of the warehouse attack.
He had come into contact with the Wagner Group via a channel on Telegram, the court was told.
Mr Penny said: 'It appears that Dylan Earl expressed a willingness to undertake 'missions' of which the Leyton arson attack was the first.
'It is apparent that Dylan Earl knew he was acting against Ukrainian, and for Russian, interests.'
Once Reeves discovered the motivation behind it, he was prepared to agree to accept money from a foreign intelligence service to target an individual and businesses in the capital, the jury was told.
Earl, of Elmesthorpe, Leicestershire, and Reeves, of Croydon, have admitted plots to set fire to the Hide Restaurant and Hedonism Wines in Mayfair, west London, and kidnapping their owner on behalf of the Wagner Group, the court heard.
Mr Penny said: 'You might think that it is self-evident that these actions were designed to influence the government and to intimidate at least a section of the public and furthermore were made for the purpose of advancing a political and ideological cause.
'It is also relevant that at least one method of attack on the Mayfair premises discussed between Earl and Evans was by way of explosion.'
Rose, of Croydon, Asmena, of no fixed address, Mensah, of Thornton Heath and English, of Roehampton, have denied aggravated arson.
Two other defendants, Ashton Evans, 20, from Newport, Gwent, and Dmirjus Paulauskas, 23, from Croydon, are each charged with two counts of failing to disclose information about terrorist acts, which they deny.
The Old Bailey trial continues.
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- New Statesman
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In 2017, the Wagner salary of Rbs250,000 a month was worth around $4,300 – six times the national average wage in Russia at the time. Even by Moscow standards, such salaries were very high indeed; outside of Moscow, unheard of. The dramatic culmination of Prigozhin's story, too, is a testament to a broader trend. His rebellion against the system was triggered by bureaucratic pressure. The Russian state wanted to control all those fighting against Ukraine, forcing private military companies and volunteer units to sign contracts with Russia's Ministry of Defence (MoD). Moscow did not need the plausible deniability of Wagner, Cossacks and ragtag nationalist militias any more. It was now openly and brazenly invading Ukraine under the pretext of 'denazification' and wanted to have full military control. When Prigozhin pushed back against the MoD takeover, the palace intrigue ran out of control. 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But disillusionment with war has not sparked a pacifist revival. All around the world, not just in Moscow, there is less hesitation about using military force – and less need to hide behind private contractors. The US support for Israel's war in Gaza is an open-ended commitment, as is Nato's intelligence-sharing, weapons supplies and training of Ukraine's armed forces. Israel and Iran, for the first time in their history, have exchanged direct blows. Reasons for going to war are framed in terms of 'existential threats' and therefore require no further explanation. Mercenaries are still in high demand, but their role is changing. What started as a bespoke service provided by highly skilled, well-paid ex-soldiers has turned into mass recruitment of cannon fodder from poor and conflict-torn regions and countries. These include thousands of Colombians fighting in Ukraine, Yemen and Sudan; hundreds of Nepalese serving as the first line of attack for Russian troops; and Syrians being recruited to kill and die in Azerbaijan, Libya and Niger. For this new age of private warfare, the transformation of Wagner is a useful case study. Founded as an elite group providing security, military training and guarding installations – a business model based on the American example of Blackwater – it grew into dispensable shock troops managed directly by the Russian state. If the US's overseas campaigns made the modern mercenary industry a lucrative career path for army veterans and well-connected hustlers, Putin's wars helped transform it into a global form of human trafficking for men from poor regions of Russia. That in 2025 Russian men are as keen as Colombians and Syrians to fight for money in distant lands is perhaps the best indicator of the desperation, hopelessness and nihilism in Russian provinces after a quarter century of Putin's rule, despite all the talk of Moscow's economic resilience. Death Is Our Business: Russian Mercenaries and the New Era of Private Warfare John Lechner Bloomsbury USA, 288pp, £23 Our Business is Death: The Complete History of the Wagner Group Ilya Barabanov and Denis Korotkov StraightForwardFoundation, 291pp, $9.99 [See also: Trump's nuclear test] Related