Iran-Israel ceasefire: Albanese says Trump's ‘f…' bomb spray reflects Australia's de-escalation desire
Anthony Albanese says Donald Trump's 'f…' bomb — cursed in frustration over a breached Israel-Iran ceasefire — was 'consistent' with Australia's desire for de-escalation in the region.
The US President launched the strongly-worded tirade at the Middle East nations, which included 'they don't know what the f… they're doing', while speaking with media outside the White House.
The Prime Minister labelled it 'abrupt' but that the US President's fiery spray ultimately reflected the Albanese government's views on a ceasefire.
'We want to see de-escalation and that is consistent with the very clear comments of President Trump,' the PM told reporters in Tasmania on Wednesday.
'I think that President Trump made some pretty clear statements. I don't think it needs any further reflection.
'I think that he stated his views pretty abruptly, and I think they were very clear.
'We want to see peace in the region. We want to see a ceasefire.'
Mr Trump had declared the truce — casting it as an end to what he dubbed a '12-day war' — after Tehran launched retaliatory strikes on a US base following American bombing of Iran's nuclear infrastructure.
However, Israel has claimed a missile had been fired by the Islamic Republic, which Iran denied.
'I'm not happy with Israel for going out there. It was one rocket,' the US president had said.
'These guys got to calm down. I'm not happy with Iran either.'
During appearances on Wednesday, Treasurer Jim Chalmers also noted the president lambasting both nations for violating a truce.
'The stakes are very high in the Middle East. The consequences of this ceasefire falling over are pretty grave. And I think the President's blunt language reflects that,' he told ABC News Breakfast.
'I think it reflects the gravity, the enormity of the situation in the Middle East, and just how important it is that both sides stick to this ceasefire, which has been negotiated.'
Speaking on the sidelines of the NATO summit on Wednesday AEST, Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles said there was no planned meeting with Mr Trump who was a fellow attendee.
'There's a lot of people at the NATO summit. There's a lot of people in the rooms that we'll all be in. And in gatherings such as this, the meetings that you have end up being pretty fluid,' Mr Marles told the ABC.
Mr Albanese's planned meeting with Mr Trump on the sidelines of the G7 summit was scrapped after the US President had to return to America amid escalating conflict in the Middle East.
When asked whether Australia would always back the United States' use of force, Mr Marles said: 'What we've done in this instance and what we do in every instance is to speak in accordance with what is Australia's national interest.'
'It's not in Australia's national interest to see Iran acquire a nuclear weapon.'
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ABC News
an hour ago
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Will Putin help Iran rebuild its nuclear program?
Sam Hawley: One of Iran's closest allies is Russia. So why did Vladimir Putin decide not to come to Tehran's aid and provide military support as Israel, and then America, worked to destroy its nuclear program? Today, Middle East expert Anna Borshevskaya from the Washington Institute on what the war means for Moscow and whether Putin might help Iran now to rebuild its nuclear capability. I'm Sam Hawley on Gadigal land in Sydney. This is ABC News Daily. Sam Hawley: Anna, it's been an incredible few weeks with Donald Trump, of course, always there. His latest spray at Israel and Iran was, well, quite something. Anna Borshchevskaya: Yes, it was. Yes, it was. It's definitely a change from what we're used to hearing from American presidents. Donald Trump, US President: You know what, we basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don't know what the f*** they're doing. Do you understand that? Sam Hawley: Yes, that's right. All right. Well, the ceasefire, of course, is in place, although everything can change very quickly. And we have these reports of preliminary classified findings out of the US that the Iranian nuclear program has been set back only by a few months. And I want to talk to you about that in just a moment. But of course, we're here to talk about Russia, because that is your expertise. When Israel first began its strikes on Iran, there was immediate concern, of course, that there could be a major escalation. And I think it's fair to say that many people's minds drifted to what Russia might do. Anna Borshchevskaya: Yes, there were very good reasons to think about what Russia might do, because in the last several years, but really under all of Putin's presidency, Russia had moved closer to Iran. Putin, by and large, attempted to play this balancing act across the Middle East of building good ties with everyone in the region, including, of course, Israel. But in reality, he empowered Iran and its proxies along with, until last December, the Assad regime in Syria. In other words, Putin, on the one hand, tried to play this balancing act of being able to have good relations with everyone. But in reality, he was closer with anti-American forces in the region. Sam Hawley: And important to remember, as we discuss this, is that Russia is a nuclear state, of course. Anna Borshchevskaya: Of course, absolutely it sure is. And Putin never fails to remind us that Russia is a nuclear state. The Kremlin regularly engages in nuclear sabre rattling to scare the West into concessions on Ukraine, most recently, but also on other issues. Sam Hawley: All right. Well, I know Russia didn't come, of course, to Iran's aid during this conflict, unlike North Korea has done for Vladimir Putin in the war in Ukraine. And of course, as Iran has done by providing short-range missiles and drones to Russia. So we're going to come to why that is in a moment. But it's really good just to step back and understand the history of this relationship between Iran and Russia, because they have a really complicated past, don't they? Anna Borshchevskaya: Absolutely. They do have a very complicated past. It is a history that spans over 500 years, most of it coloured by distrust. Historically, it is Iran, remember, that lost wars to Russia, not the other way around. The fact of the matter is, probably as early as the 1980s or late 1980s, the Soviet Union and Iran did begin to take steps towards improving relations. And those efforts continued in the 1990s. It was Russia that began constructing Iran's nuclear facilities, nuclear programs, the Bushehr reactor. Again, as I said earlier, Putin wanted to build good ties with all actors in the Middle East, but he did lean closer to anti-American forces. And it was Syria that really brought the Russia-Iran relationship to unprecedented heights. Remember, Russia intervened militarily in Syria in late 2015. And of course, in January of this year, the two countries, Russia and Iran, that is, signed a strategic partnership agreement. So Russia and Iran continued getting closer and closer, which brings us to the present moment. And as you said, Russia did not come to Iran's rescue. Sam Hawley: Yeah, absolutely. So the war in Ukraine has provided a strategic reason for Russia and Iran to work more closely together. Anna Borshchevskaya: That's right. The war in Ukraine certainly provided more reasons for Russia and Iran to work more closely together. Russia found itself isolated by the West, as did Iran. But also, even before the invasion of Ukraine, these countries shared a larger geostrategic vision for the world. In other words, they both resented American leadership. They wanted to see a different world order, and they wanted to see what they often call a quote-unquote multipolar world. And certainly they wanted to reduce American influence specifically in the Middle East. Sam Hawley: All right, well, Anna, given this closer alliance that we've discussed, let's look at what role Russia could have played in this war when Israel began its strikes on Iran. Vladimir Putin thought initially he could be a peacemaker. Tell me about that. Anna Borshchevskaya: Yeah, and this is Putin's favourite role to play in the Middle East. And this goes back to what I said earlier. If you see how he tried to position himself as somebody that can talk to all sides, typically conflicting sides in the Middle East, who has somebody who has good relations with everyone, you can see why somebody in that position would want to cast themselves as a mediator. But really, it's a way for Putin to position Russia as an indispensable actor, somebody without whom you cannot solve major world events. News report: Russian President Vladimir Putin held a 50-minute phone call with the US President Donald Trump, the Kremlin condemning Israel's attacks, both sides saying it's not too late for Iran to strike a deal. Donald Trump, US President: As you know, Vladimir called me up. He said, can I help you with Iran? I said, no, I don't need help with Iran. I need help with you. Anna Borshchevskaya: If the West and if Israel and Iran, along with Europe and the US, were to accept Russia as a mediator, it would take Russia out of this perceived pariah status in the West and again would cast Russia as important. Sam Hawley: So he wanted to be a peacemaker, which of course did not happen. But given this relationship with Iran, why didn't Putin render any sort of assistance whatsoever to the regime? Anna Borshchevskaya: Well, I think there's several reasons. And one thing I said very early on, if you read the strategic partnership agreement between Russia and Iran that I mentioned earlier that the two countries signed in January, it doesn't actually obligate Russia to come to Iran's aid. There is no clause that obligates them to come to defence of each other. It's not like the NATO charter. But also, Russia would expect the country to formally ask for assistance. This is a very different view of what a strategic partnership is. It's a far more limited view. And I think also, certainly given how bogged down Putin is in Ukraine, he had little to spare. He frankly would have, I think in the beginning of this conflict, probably expected it to end fairly quickly. His biggest concern would be Iran turning pro-Western. But if there were limited strikes against Iran that weakened the regime a little bit, that would not have gone contrary to his interests because he sees Russia at the top of a power pyramid and he wants Russia to be powerful than others. That is how he sees all relationships. Lastly, we saw a very interesting thing going on with oil prices. There was a spike very quickly in oil prices, but then it went down. But certainly the potential for oil prices rising also would have very much benefited Putin's war effort in Ukraine, because that is one important way that how he's able to fund his war. I do think, though, I will say this, Iran turning pro-Western is a big concern for Russia. And that is why I did wonder if potentially if things were to change, again, the situation has been moving very quickly, if Russia could do maybe a little bit more to help Iran. But also given Russia's ties with all other actors in the region, with the Gulf states and with Israel, Putin wanted to take a very cautious approach here. Sam Hawley: But what you're saying is if Vladimir Putin sensed perhaps that the Iranian regime was about to fall, that perhaps he would change his decision on this and render support. Anna Borshchevskaya: Yeah, it is something that I wondered. But, you know, there's several questions to ask here also. What could realistically Russia offer? And two, with the United States entering the conflict, that's a whole different ballgame. Sam Hawley: Yeah. All right, well, let's then, Anna, unpack what the consequences of this Israel-Iran conflict could be for Russia and what sort of relationship it might now have with Iran. There are negatives in all of this, aren't there, for Vladimir Putin? Not least of which it has exposed Moscow's limitations and the fact that it's not a particularly reliable ally. Anna Borshchevskaya: Yeah, absolutely. If there is no regime collapse in Iran, certainly it's hard to see how this regime comes out strong. In other words, we're going to more likely see a significantly weakened regime in Tehran. And that does hurt Russia's overall strategic position in this region, because Putin did position himself as somebody who supported these forces. And again, Putin doesn't understand the term ally the same way as we do. But the fact that he did not come to Iran's rescue does quite a bit of damage to Russia's reputation as a reliable partner. But it does hurt Russia's strategic position in the region. I would say far more so, I would say, than the fall of the Assad regime in last December. Sam Hawley: Yeah, on the flip side, of course, of this, as you've mentioned, there are some positives for Russia because attention has well and truly drifted away from his own conflict, Vladimir Putin's conflict in Ukraine, which has really intensified over the last few weeks. Anna Borshchevskaya: That's absolutely right. And especially it intensified specifically on June 13, when Israel began its campaign against the Iranian nuclear facilities. World distraction from Ukraine is absolutely still very much a benefit to Russia. And that is a chief priority for Putin. Sam Hawley: And what about the fact that Israel and the US acted alone? They did not go through the normal international diplomatic channels, if you like. Will Russia exploit that? Anna Borshchevskaya: Well, they've already begun exploiting that. There was no shortage of rhetoric coming out condemning the perceived unilateralism and perceived American cynicism and hypocrisy of America as a hypocrite country, as America supposedly preaching about liberal values but breaking them. And certainly, I think we can expect the Kremlin to continue to attempt to capitalise on theme with countries outside the liberal free world. Sam Hawley: So, Anna, what now for this relationship? As we said, the latest, and they are preliminary findings from US intelligence, suggests that Iran's nuclear program has only been set back by a few months. Could Russia now help Iran on that front, help to rebuild its capacity, do you think? Anna Borshchevskaya: I wouldn't, you know, I wouldn't rule it out. Remember again that Russia did build the Bushehr reactor in Iran in the first place. Russia was a key supporter of the Iranian nuclear program and they were champions of claiming that the Iranian nuclear program is peaceful. Provision of high technology goods such as nuclear reactors is Russia's competitive advantage. So I think, again, the story is not over and Russia's relationship with Iran is not broken. Sam Hawley: So how interested then is Russia in keeping this really quite tight alliance continuing on? Anna Borshchevskaya: I think they would want to continue this alliance because, again, Russia has empowered Iran and its proxies across the region with the aim of weakening American influence in this region. So if that regime collapses, that is a far bigger concern for them than Iran turning nuclear. Historically, Russia simply never worried about the Iranian nuclear program the same way that the West or Israel did. But they did worry about Iran turning pro-Western. And historically, they had good reasons to do so, because remember that prior to the 1979 revolution, Iran was pro-Western. And Russians do understand history. So they also know that the Iranian people are far more pro-Western than the Iranian regime. Iran turning pro-Western would be a big strategic loss for Russia. Sam Hawley: Anna Borshevskaya is a senior fellow at the Washington Institute, an American think tank. This episode was produced by Sydney Pead. Audio production by Sam Dunn. Our supervising producer is David Coady. I'm Sam Hawley. ABC News Daily will be back again tomorrow. Thanks for listening.
Sydney Morning Herald
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‘Alligator Alcatraz': Florida's $690m plan to help Trump's immigration crackdown
Washington: Florida is building a detention facility for migrants, nicknamed 'Alligator Alcatraz', turning an airfield in the Everglades into the newest – and scariest-sounding – holding centre designed to help the Trump administration carry out its immigration crackdown. The remote facility, composed of large tents and other planned facilities, would cost the state about $US450 million ($690 million) a year to run, but Florida could request some reimbursement from the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), Department of Homeland Security spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said. Florida Attorney-General James Uthmeier – a Trump ally who has pushed to build the detention centre in the Everglades – has said the state would not need to invest much in security because the area was surrounded by dangerous wildlife, including alligators and pythons. A spokesperson for the attorney-general said work on the new facility started this week. The project is sure to appeal to US President Donald Trump, who talked repeatedly during his first term about building a moat along the southern border filled with alligators or snakes. As he pushed for a wall to keep migrants out, he urged officials to build it with spikes, razor wire and black paint to ensure that it would serve as a deterrent – the more terrifying-looking, the better. And since resuming office this year, Trump has already sent migrants to Guantanamo Bay, the symbol for America's worst enemies, and to a mega-prison in El Salvador. The Everglades facility is part of a broader effort by the Trump administration to enlist local authorities to boost detention capacity and expand the number of officers around the country who can arrest immigrants living in the country illegally. The Trump administration has struggled to meet its mass deportation goals in part because of resource constraints, and it is looking for every way to help increase numbers. The goal in Florida is to have 5000 additional beds, spread out at the new facility and potentially other, smaller facilities as well.
