Bay County community to join nationwide 'No Kings' Protest on Saturday
PANAMA CITY, Fla. (WMBB) – Bay County residents will gather at Carl Gray Park on Saturday, June 14, at 10 a.m. for the No Kings Protest.
The No Kings Protest is a powerful protest demonstration against the growing threat of authoritarianism, political corruption, and attacks on fundamental freedom.
Bay County TDC approves new tourism-driven weather page
According to a news release, participants will march across the Hathaway Bridge in a show of unity and resistance.
The No Kings Protest is part of a National Day of Action, with more than 1,800 events taking place across the country.
All members of the community who value democracy, accountability, and justice are encouraged to attend.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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Fox News
36 minutes ago
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ASRA NOMANI: The familiar hidden hand behind today's #NoKings protests
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That effort alone represents a partisan political enterprise that I call the protest industrial complex. Now, in a new analysis of 148 protest listings uploaded on a Democratic Party organizing platform, I have established that at least 70 Democratic National Committee affiliates are also organizing protests in at least 19 states and the District of Columbia. This is a clear indicator of the partisanship of these protests as an orchestrated, calculated expression of the opposition party, not a spontaneous grassroots outpouring. Despite the rhetoric of populist uprising, it's clear: #NoKings is the Democratic Party staging political theater in the streets of America. As editor-in-chief of the Pearl Project, I have spent the last week building this database of the protest organizers and the findings expose the true architecture of today's "day of defiance." From Mobilize links and protest pages to organizing toolkits, we traced the digital and physical infrastructure behind the June 14 demonstrations. I've added a tab with the Democratic Party events in a public spreadsheet that I invite readers to study. Here's what I found about the hand of the Democratic Party: It's important to recognize: the Democrat Party isn't just supporting these protests — they're leading them, often under the radar. Here's just a glimpse of the geographic footprint of Democratic National Committee club and committee activity. It's dense, but I share it so you can know we have the receipts: What does this list tell us? This is a party infrastructure, not a protest movement. Let's be honest: this isn't about stopping a "king." It's about protecting a political party. Across the country, Democratic Party chapters have flooded local organizing channels with official flyers, water bottles branded with county logos, talking points and coordinated slogans. In Santa Monica, Calif., the local Democratic Club is marching along the boardwalk. In Flagstaff, Ariz., the Coconino County Democratic Party is rallying on the steps of city hall. In Naples, Florida, the Collier County Democratic Executive Committee is mobilizing volunteers with signage pre-approved by national political action committees. In Seminole County, Fla., the advertising is about political canvassing with these details for volunteers: "Signs will be provided to place next to the cooler that say 'Free Water from SemDems.' Consider bringing trash bags to tie to the handle of the cooler to collect used bottles. Email deb4elections@ if you can bring a cooler with water. Passing out SemDems cards. Stand at protest area entry points and make sure people receive a SemDem card so they can connect with us. Passing Out Protest Signs. Hand out signs for people to wave if they didn't bring one. Help people make a sign using SemDems supplies. In this role, you will be too busy to participate in the protest at the street." In total, we tracked scores of unique combinations of state and club, proving that multiple organizations — including groups like Swing Left and Indivisible — are operating across several states with the Democratic Party, deploying scripts, signs, and staff. Here is what you won't hear on most of the media's coverage: These are not the spontaneous actions of private citizens. They are events sanctioned by the Democratic Party dressed up in the language of moral resistance. These are not the spontaneous actions of private citizens. They are events sanctioned by the Democratic Party dressed up in the language of moral resistance. These protests amount to a new chapter of political puppetry. One longtime Democratic volunteer, granted anonymity, described to us the internal pressure they felt to participate: "It feels less like a movement and more like a performance. We are told which graphics to share, what signs to print and even how to answer reporters. It is like the whole protest is a campaign rollout — but in protest clothes." This comment is telling. The Democratic Party is not showing up to these protests as supporters. They are stage managers. The very people warning us against authoritarianism are deploying authoritarian tactics to choreograph outrage. It's political cynicism at its finest—activism from above, not below. Why does this matter? In 2002, my friend and colleague Daniel Pearl was murdered by extremists in Pakistan. The ideology that led to his death — sectarianism, division, moral absolutism — has haunted me ever since. That same dogma is now playing out in American streets, cloaked in slogans like "No Kings" and "Save Democracy." In my 2023 book, Woke Army, I warned of an unholy alliance between far-left radicals and ideological opportunists that undermines institutions from within. Today's protests manifest this alliance and they are the logical next step: not organic resistance, but manufactured dissent designed to influence the next election cycles. This isn't about Donald Trump's flaws or strengths. It's about the weaponization of protest by those already in power. Today's protest is not a revolution. It's a message that refuses the 2024 election results. The message is this: the Democratic Party is willing to use every tool available — PACs, nonprofits, public unions and even street protests — to control the narrative heading into the next elections. Voters should be wary of any party that cries "democracy" while scripting the applause, supplying the signs and managing the stage. Today, as you watch video clips of marchers chanting and waving signs, ask yourself: who paid for the microphone? Who printed the signs? And who benefits when the crowd disperses? The answer is clear with Trump's birthday party for the Army: it's an expression of the ruling Republican administration. That's the kind of transparency we need to have about the street protests. The protests aren't grassroots. They are the political puppeteering of the Democratic Party.
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He once lamented in a Tampa Bay Times op-ed that his eldest daughter refused to consider any Florida university and instead enrolled at — and graduated from — the University of Michigan. In his remarks on Thursday, Hosseini's frustration over Ono's ouster was palpable. 'We believe Dr. Ono was uniquely qualified to lead this University at this moment,' Hosseini said. 'The symbolism and substance of a sitting president of a university as prestigious as the University of Michigan choosing to come to the University of Florida should not be lost.' For critics of Ono's appointment this was a concerted victory. Christopher Rufo, a New College of Florida trustee who celebrated Ono's rejection as 'another scalp on the wall,' and on Friday urged Hosseini to resign as UF's board chairman, calling him prestige-obsessed and 'delusional' for backing an 'ultra-leftwing ideologue' to lead the state's flagship university. But those on the Board of Governors who voted against Ono pointed to what they saw as a lack of conviction and honesty, pointing out his wishy-washy reversal on diversity and climate change initiatives, as well as his delayed response to antisemitism and pro-Palestinian encampments that sprung up on campus under his watch at Michigan. By the end of last Tuesday's grueling three-hour interview, the board's view was clear: Ono wasn't the right ideological fit for Florida. Scott Yenor, a Boise State University political science professor and leading conservative critic of higher education, faulted UF's board for prioritizing prestige over ideology, calling their enthusiasm for Ono a sign of the state's continued 'obsession' with elite validation — a mismatch with Florida's new political mission for public universities. He called Ono a 'confirmation convert' who had softened his left-leaning edges to win over Florida's conservative academic leaders. 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'I'm sure he is pretty disappointed and ticked about what happened,' Jewett added. 'It's a lot of work to see undone.' Yet DeSantis' reappointment of Hosseini — made public Monday — signaled that the governor is standing by one of his closest allies. Their relationship runs deep; Hosseini lent his private jet to the DeSantis' 2024 presidential campaign and helped bankroll a golf simulator at the governor's mansion. But Hosseini's now-precarious standing with other prominent Republicans underscore the growing fissures within the party over UF's leadership. He's been a major donor to Republican politicians like U.S. Senator Rick Scott, who publicly condemned Ono's nomination and criticized UF's search team. Now, as UF's de facto leader, Hosseini faces the twin challenge of winning back conservative confidence while trying to restart a presidential search that's become a national cautionary tale. UF may struggle to find a qualified leader after Ono's bid embarrassingly collapsed on a national stage. Moreover, at least two executive search firms have sworn off working for Florida universities because of the ordeal, The Chronicle of Higher Education reported Friday. And given that the UF board's composition is staying intact, Yenor said 'it's not clear that a conservative would want to come.'