Guinea sets a date in September for a key referendum that would launch a return to democracy
CONAKRY, Guinea — Guinea's military junta has set Sept. 21 as the date for a long-promised constitutional referendum that would set the west African country on the path of a return to democratic rule more than three years after it experienced a coup.
A presidential decree scheduling the referendum for the adoption of a new constitution was read on state television late Tuesday by Gen. Amara Camara, secretary-general of the presidency.
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Yahoo
10 hours ago
- Yahoo
How Trump's Africa strategy may become a double-edged sword
With US President Donald Trump on a cost-cutting warpath since starting his second term, aid to Africa has been slashed and now defence spending is in his sights - but could these approaches cost more in the long run? The phrase his administration presses on Europe to assume more of the costs of its own defence is "burden sharing". This is the challenge that Washington is now throwing down to African armies too - and they are far less comfortably resourced to take it on. Moreover, having paid dearly in lives and money, in the struggle to hold back the spreading reach of jihadist armed groups across the Sahel, the Lake Chad basin and Somalia over recent years, they could be forgiven for feeling that they already carry much of the burden - and for the sake not just of their own continent but the wider international community too. Benin, which has lost more than 80 soldiers in jihadist attacks since the start of the year, is just one example. "The epicentre of terrorism on the globe" is how the Sahel was described a few days ago by Gen Michael Langley, who as head of US Africa Command (Africom) oversees the American military presence south of the Sahara. In briefings and interviews over the past few weeks, he has graphically outlined the threat that jihadist groups will present if their push southward towards the Gulf of Guinea succeeds. "One of the terrorists' new objectives is gaining access to West African coasts. If they secure access to the coastline, they can finance their operations through smuggling, human trafficking and arms trading. This not only puts African nations at risk but also raises the chance of threats reaching US shores." Gen Langley has admitted that the current upsurge in militant attacks is "deeply concerning". Yet he has also repeatedly hammered home a core message: the US is minded to rein back its own sub-Saharan military operations, leaving local armies to take on more of the defence burden. Some 6,500 personnel are currently deployed in Africa by the US military and a 2019 list published by Africom mentioned 13 "enduring" American bases across the continent and a further 17 more temporary facilities. But some of these installations, including the purpose-built drone base at Agadez in Niger, have already been shut down, in particular after military juntas seized power in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso since 2020. And it now looks as if the once-ambitious American operational footprint will be pruned back quite a lot more. Perhaps we will see more air power deployed from offshore to hit militant targets - Gen Langley says there have been 25 strikes in Somalia this year, double the 2024 total - but a much thinner permanent on-the-ground military presence. "Some things that we used to do, we may not do anymore," he recently told a conference in Kenya's capital, Nairobi, that brought together chiefs of defence staff and other senior officers from 37 countries. "Our aim is not to serve as a permanent crutch, but to achieve US security objectives that overlap with our partners. We should be able to help African nations build the self-reliance they need to independently confront terrorism and insurgencies." In the bluntness of his language Gen Langley reflects the stark change of outlook and policy that has come from January's change of power at the White House. "We have set our priorities now - protecting the homeland." What matters to the no-longer-so-new Trump II administration, the general made clear in a Pentagon publication last week, is fighting terrorists - particularly those who might attack the US. Other priorities are countering the spread of Chinese military influence across Africa and protecting freedom of maritime navigation through key trade choke points such as the Strait of Gibraltar and the Mediterranean, the Suez Canal and the Bab el-Mandab Strait at the southern end of the Red Sea. In some respects, the focus on training and capacity building that Gen Langley now expounds is not so very different from the approach of previous American administrations, Republican as well as Democrat. He lauds the National Guard State Partnership Program, through which individual US states have been helping to build the capacity of government security forces across Africa and other parts of the world - for the past three decades. France too is pursuing this approach, with the closure of bases in Chad and Senegal, while those in Ivory Coast and Gabon have been handed over to their governments, with only small French training teams left behind to work alongside African colleagues. However, in other respects, the Trump administration's Africa strategy represents a drastic shrinkage in outlook and - critics might argue - a conscious retreat from addressing the factors that drive instability, conflict and terrorism, particularly in the Sahel, which is among the poorest regions on the planet. For under President Joe Biden the US looked far beyond the military realm alone in its efforts to counter the both the growing reach of jihadist groups and other sources of violence. And Gen Langley, as Africom chief, was an articulate exponent of this much broader thinking. Only last year, in an interview with the Associated Press news agency, he outlined what he described as a "whole of government" response to the proliferation of conflict, stressing the importance of good governance and action to tackle the fragilities of African states and the impacts of desertification, crop failure and environmental change. This approach openly recognised that recruitment by armed groups and the spread of violence is fuelled not only by jihadist ideology, but also by a host of social and economic factors, including the stresses now afflicting farming and pastoralist livelihoods. Gen Langley himself does not seem to have abandoned this analysis, recently noting how Ivory Coast had countered the jihadist threat to its northern border areas by complementing security force deployments with development projects. He could equally have pointed to the success of a similar approach pursued by the president of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum, before he was deposed in the July 2023 coup. But of course, these days Africom must operate within the context of a US foreign policy radically reshaped under Trump. There are even rumours that it could be downgraded to become a subsidiary of the US command in Europe and Gen Langley suggests African governments should tell Washington what they thought of this idea. Already the separate Africa unit at the radically slimmed down National Security Council at the White House is reportedly being wound up and integrated into the Middle East-North Africa section. Its director, Gen Jami Shawley, an Africa specialist appointed to the role only in March, has now been assigned to more general strategic functions. Addressing Congress this week, Gen Langley warned about China's and Russia's African ambitions: Beijing's agility at capitalising on the US's absence and Moscow's ability to seize military opportunities created by chaos and instability. Given these concerns, some might wonder if the general is discreetly signally his doubts about a slimmed down Africa strategy. Meanwhile, under the "efficiency drive" led, until recently, by tech billionaire Elon Musk, the American government's main international development agencies, USAID and the Millennium Challenge Corporation, have been effectively shut down. The spine of the new US economic engagement with Africa is now private sector trade and investment. But business generally needs to operate in a stable and secure context - which Africa's most fragile and violence-prone regions cannot offer. And in winding up the American development agencies, the Trump administration has stepped aside from funding the rural projects and social programmes that sought to address land and water pressures and lack of economic opportunity, the key drivers of conflict - and the jihadist groups' recruitment of frustrated rural young people. For the fragile regions that are the main sources of jihadist violence the US response is reduced to the purely military, and now it is seeking to shift even most of that on to the shoulders of African states that already struggle to respond adequately to a plethora of challenges and responsibilities. Paul Melly is a consulting fellow with the Africa Programme at Chatham House in London. The region with more 'terror deaths' than rest of world combined Freed captive tells BBC of life in West African jihadist base Why Trump is on the warpath in Somalia 'My wife fears sex, I fear death' - impacts of the USAID freeze Trump's tariffs could be death knell for US-Africa trade pact Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Focus on Africa This Is Africa
Yahoo
a day ago
- Yahoo
Controversial bill that would limit rebuilding after hurricanes sparks debate: 'It's shortsighted'
New state legislation designed to help Floridians prepare for and rebuild after devastating storms could instead end up making resilient reconstruction more difficult. According to reporting by writers from the Miami Herald and Bradenton Herald published in late May by multiple outlets, including the Tampa Bay Times, Senate Bill 180, if signed into law, would provide for further training of emergency teams and a more efficient permitting process to smooth rebuilding. However, the bill might also get in the way of Floridians rebuilding stronger homes after hurricane damage. A building code freeze included in the legislation could allow developers to construct new homes under the same codes that left properties vulnerable in the first place. Additionally, the bill would increase flood insurance rates for "more than 44,000 Floridians" in a dozen communities. Kim Dinkins, policy and planning director at the nonpartisan nonprofit 1000 Friends of Florida, said of the bill, "It's shortsighted." "We said that we want to be more resilient," Dinkins told the local reporters. "When is the time going to be to do that if you can't do anything right after a storm?" Senate Bill 180 was passed by both the House and Senate "with nearly unanimous support." To become law, it would still need to be signed by Governor Ron DeSantis. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration has predicted "above-normal hurricane activity" for this Atlantic hurricane season. Experts are forecasting between 13 and 19 total named storms due to factors like "warmer than average ocean temperatures" and the possibility of higher West African Monsoon activity. Generally speaking, hurricanes are a part of typical weather patterns. But human activities, particularly the burning of fossil fuels, have contributed significantly to an overheated planet, thereby supercharging storms. Warmer ocean and atmospheric temperatures are driving more extreme weather events. A study published in February indicates that hurricanes are likely to become more intense and more frequent in the Atlantic and East Pacific Oceans, putting communities at risk. Inland areas are also increasingly in danger. Systems and structures improved for resilience could help residents navigate these storms and their aftermath, especially in areas where hurricanes hit each year, making them harder and harder to recover from. Many in Florida are still trying to rebuild after previous storms. Stronger standards for resilient construction might help them going forward — weaker standards and higher insurance costs almost assuredly won't. Do you think your house could withstand a hurricane? No way Maybe a weak one I'm not sure It definitely could Click your choice to see results and speak your mind. NOAA reported $182.7 billion in damages from weather and climate-related disasters in 2024. Last year's Hurricane Helene, regarded as the deadliest in the contiguous United States since 2005's Hurricane Katrina, caused about $80 billion in damage in the U.S. In mid-May, Paul Owens, president of 1000 Friends of Florida, published an editorial in the Orlando Sentinel stating that "with a two-thirds majority in both houses, the presiding officers could expand the [legislative] agenda to address the existential threat to local land-use planning in Florida, while preserving the good elements in SB 180." While state legislators may still have options to retain the parts of the bill with the potential to save rather than cost residents money and damage, DeSantis may also simply decline to sign the bill as written. As events unfold, Floridians might continue to share their opinions about the legislation with their elected officials. Regardless of what may happen with SB 180, there's more that can and must be done. Residents can voice support for pro-environment policies, such as those prioritizing resilient infrastructure and ecological restoration. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency has recommended coastal protections like a living shoreline created with plants, reefs, and other natural barriers to reduce erosion and flooding. Residents will also want to prepare for the 2025 Atlantic hurricane season, which began June 1. NOAA has released guidance to help communities get ready, suggesting steps like developing a safe evacuation plan, assembling disaster supplies, and weatherizing homes to reduce damage and even lower energy costs. Join our free newsletter for good news and useful tips, and don't miss this cool list of easy ways to help yourself while helping the planet.
Hamilton Spectator
3 days ago
- Hamilton Spectator
Mali's government adopts bill granting junta leader 5 more years in power
BAMAKO, Mali (AP) — Mali's Council of Ministers on Wednesday adopted a controversial bill granting the head of the military junta an additional five years in power. Gen. Assimi Goita has led the West African nation since orchestrating two coups in 2020 and 2021. The move follows the military regime's dissolution of political parties in May. According to the government's cabinet statement, the bill will lead to the 'revision of the Transition Charter, granting the Head of State a five-year renewable mandate starting in 2025.' It implements the recommendations of the national dialogue consultations organized by the military regime in April, which the political parties boycotted. The bill now awaits ratification by the National Transitional Council, the legislative body overseeing the transition. Earlier in May, Gen. Goita signed a decree dissolving political parties, a decision made against a backdrop of burgeoning opposition. It coincided with a surge in kidnappings of pro-democracy activists in the capital, Bamako, and just days after a demonstration by several hundred activists. Mali, a landlocked nation in the semiarid region of Sahel, has been embroiled in political instability that swept across West and Central Africa over the last decade. The nation has seen two military coups since 2020 as an insurgency by jihadi groups linked to al-Qaida and the Islamic State group worsened. The junta had promised a return to civilian rule by March 2024, but later postponed elections. No date has been set yet for the presidential election. ____ Follow AP's Africa coverage at: Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .
