
Stock markets tumble globally as new Trump tariffs hit China, Canada and Mexico
Stock markets worldwide fell sharply on Tuesday after US President
Donald Trump threatened to take a sledgehammer to the global economy, sparking fears of a global trade war following his imposition of a blanket 25 per cent levy on all Canadian and Mexican imports and an additional 10 per cent on Chinese goods.
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Pressured by their respective companies and a desire not to look weak domestically, America's three biggest trading partners teed up retaliatory tariffs. The three account for some 42 per cent of all imports into the US, the world's largest economy.
As the world woke up to the fact this was actually happening, analysts sought to assess how long the tariffs were likely to last, with China's expected to be more 'sticky' and less easily rolled back – seen in Trump's decision to levy lower levels on China.
'He intends on keeping the China tariffs on for the long term, which means he needs to proceed in such a way that they are seen as manageable, not least from a market perspective,' said Andrew Bishop of consultancy firm Signum Global Advisors.
'Whereas we have high conviction he'll be repealing the blanket North American tariffs in short order,' he added.
The three countries quickly signalled their resolve to fight back.

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South China Morning Post
28 minutes ago
- South China Morning Post
China's yuan fixing rate hits 2-month high as US dollar drops
China's central bank set the yuan's daily fixing against the US dollar at its strongest level in more than two months, as the greenback tumbled to a multi-year low amid expectations for more interest rate cuts from the Federal Reserve later this year. On Friday, the People's Bank of China set the yuan's midpoint rate – also known as the daily fixing rate – at 7.1772 per US dollar, its strongest showing since late March. The move came as the US dollar index plummeted to 97.61 on Thursday - a three-year low - after the May producer price index came in below market expectations, prompting traders to price in more interest rate cuts by the Federal Reserve. Confidence in the currency has also wavered after US President Donald Trump announced plans to set unilateral tariff rates for America's trading partners, saying countries could 'take it or leave it'. Amid concerns over US tariff policy and the sustainability of its debt levels, the country's currency has been under pressure for months, lending relative strength to the yuan. While an agreement 'in principle' between China and the US after two days of trade talks in London this week appeared to signal a truce, some analysts remained cautious.


Asia Times
2 hours ago
- Asia Times
Why Trump won't kill AUKUS
The Pentagon has announced it will review the massive AUKUS agreement between the United States, United Kingdom and Australia to ensure it's aligned with US President Donald Trump's 'America first' agenda. The US Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby is reportedly going to oversee the review. The announcement has raised concerns in Australia, but every government is entitled to review policies made by its predecessors to consider whether there is a particular purpose. The UK has launched a parliamentary inquiry into AUKUS too, so it's not actually unreasonable for the US to do the same. There is a degree of nervousness in Australia as to what the implications are because Australia understandably has the biggest stake in this. But we need to consider what Colby has articulated in the past. 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Australia has already made a nearly A$800 million (US$500 million) down payment on expanding the US industrial capacity as part of the deal to ensure we get some subs in a reasonable time frame. There have also been significant legislative and industrial reforms in the US, Australia and UK to help facilitate Australian defence-related industries unplug the bottleneck of submarine production. There is no question that there is a need to speed up production. But we are already seeing significant signs of an uptick in the production rate, thanks in part to the Australian down payment. And it's anticipated that the rate will significantly increase in the next 12–18 months. Even still, projects like this often slide in terms of timelines. The leaders of the three nations announced details of the submarine deal in San Diego in 2023. Photo: Etienne Laurent / EPA via The Conversation I'm reasonably optimistic that, on balance, the Trump administration will come down on the side of proceeding with the deal. There are a few key reasons for this: 1) We're several years down the track already. 2) We have more than 100 Australian sailors already operating in the US system. 3) Industrially, we're on the cusp of making a significant additional contribution to the US submarine production line. And finally, most people don't fully appreciate that the submarine base just outside Perth is an incredibly consequential piece of real estate for US security calculations. Colby has made very clear the US needs to muscle up to push back and deter China's potential aggression in the region. In that equation, submarines are crucial, as is a substantial submarine base in the Indian Ocean. China is acutely mindful of what we call the 'Malacca dilemma.' Overwhelmingly, China's trade of goods and fossil fuels comes through the Malacca Strait between Malaysia and Indonesia's island of Sumatra. The Chinese know this supply line could be disrupted in a war. And the submarines operating out of Perth contribute to this fear. This is a crucial deterrent effect the US and its allies have been seeking to maintain. And it has largely endured. Given that nobody can predict the future, we all want to prevent a war over Taiwan and we all want to maintain the status quo. As such, the considered view has been that Australia will continue to support the US to bolster its deterrent effect to prevent such a scenario. As part of the US review of the deal, we could see talk of a potential slowdown in the delivery rate of the submarines. The Trump administration could also put additional pressure on Australia to deliver more for the US. This includes the amount Australia spends on defence, a subject of considerable debate in Canberra. Taking Australia's overall interests into account, the Albanese government may well decide increasing defense spending is an appropriate thing to do. There's a delicate dance to be had here between the Trump administration, the Australian government, and in particular, their respective defence departments, about how to achieve the most effective outcome. It's highly likely that whatever decision the US government makes will be portrayed as the Trump administration 'doing a deal'. In the grand scheme of things, that's not a bad thing. This is what countries do. We talk a lot about the Trump administration's transactional approach to international relations. But it's actually not that different from previous US administrations with which Canberra has had to deal. So I'm reasonably sanguine about the AUKUS review and any possible negotiations over it. I believe the Trump administration will come to the conclusion it does not want to spike the Australia relationship. Australia has been on the US side since federation. Given this, the US government will likely make sure this deal goes ahead. The Trump administration may try to squeeze more concessions out of Australia as part of 'the art of the deal,' but it won't sink the pact. However, many people will undoubtedly say this is the moment Australia should break with AUKUS. But then what? What would Australia do instead to ensure its security in this world of heightened great power competition in which Australia's interests are increasingly challenged? Walking away now would leave Australia more vulnerable than ever. I think that would be a great mistake. John Blaxland is professor, Strategic and Defense Studies Center, Australian National University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


Asia Times
4 hours ago
- Asia Times
The power calculus driving Trump's tariffs
Despite dire predictions that US President Donald Trump's foreign policy, dominated by real and threatened manipulations of American tariffs and trade practices, US inflation rates and other measures of American economic vigor do not yet give cause for alarm. Indeed, at this writing US-China trade talks seem productive enough so that spokespersons for the European Union say they hope their trade talks take on a similar format. Trump's approach to tariffs has been anything but static—shifting abruptly like a spotlight sweeping across a stage. Yet beneath the political theater lies a calculated strategy with far-reaching implications. While critics assume tariffs invariably raise consumer prices, the reality is more nuanced. Trump's policies appear designed not just for economic leverage but as an extension of his foreign policy vision, particularly in Asia and the Western Hemisphere. Whether this constitutes strategic brilliance or overreach is debatable, but the mechanics of tariffs—and who ultimately bears their cost—demand closer scrutiny. The impact of a tariff hinges on market dynamics, competition and geopolitical leverage. Consider a US$100 product imported from Country X. If the US imposes a $25 tariff, the seller faces a choice: absorb the cost by cutting their price to $75 (keeping the consumer's total at $100) or pass the expense to buyers and risk losing market share. In competitive markets—like coffee from Colombia, Brazil, or Mexico—sellers often absorb tariffs to retain customers. But the calculus shifts when alternatives are scarce. A monopolist, such as OPEC in the oil markets, can dictate prices precisely because competitors lack the capacity to undercut them without facing ruin. This imbalance of power invites broader consequences: nations disadvantaged by such asymmetries may resort to political or even military retaliation, as nearly occurred during the 1970s oil crises. Tariffs also reshape local economies. A Mexican manufacturer facing US tariffs might offset losses by raising prices for domestic consumers or slashing wages. A Canadian auto supplier could lobby for government subsidies to preserve jobs while lowering export prices. Meanwhile, China's state-influenced exporters might reduce prices to maintain access to the elastic US market, repurposing tariff revenue for Chinese domestic projects. Trump's tariffs align with a modern revival of the Monroe Doctrine, which asserts US hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. Recent maneuvers, such as discouraging Chinese influence over the Panama Canal, signal that the administration views tariffs as both economic tools and geopolitical signals. The message is clear: the US will enforce its sphere of influence, and trade policy is one lever to do so. It is possible to imagine Trump's 'super big picture' plan as a compressed version (spanning three years) of the 150-year evolution of the British Empire, beginning with Mercantilism and culminating in free trade. At first, Trump treats the rest of the world as composed of client states, whose economies are tied tightly together with the 'mother ship', the dependent states all at first directed by force majeure to contribute to the greatness of the Metropolitan Authority. Later on, when the dependencies have grown to maturity, a managed form of free trade emerges, and wealth becomes more widely shared. Ultimately, outcomes will be determined by raw power—economic, military and diplomatic. While Trump's aggressive posture may yield short-term gains, inconsistency risks undermining his objectives. China, the primary challenger to this strategy, may currently perceive his actions as domestically focused rather than existential. But if tariffs become an erratic flicker rather than a steady beam, the US could squander its leverage. In an era where trade is war by other means, Trump's tariffs are less about economics than they are about reasserting American primacy. The question isn't whether the world will adapt—it's who will blink first.