Does humanity have a future in the virtual and AI age?
Last month, I interviewed Marc Andreessen, the venture capitalist and leading figure of the nascent tech right, for the "Matter of Opinion' podcast; And soon after, I interviewed Steve Bannon, the vintage MAGA populist. Both conversations contain enough material for several newsletters, but both are especially useful for illustrating a point I pressed in a recent column: that there is a surface unity in U.S. President Donald Trump's coalition on the issues of this executive-order-dominated moment, from anti-wokeness to deportations to reshaping the administrative state, but profound philosophical tensions underneath.
And the tech-populist tension is potentially one of the deepest, with implications that extend far beyond one presidential administration. To Andreessen, joining with Trumpism and the right is an opportunity for Silicon Valley to slip free of both the ideological shackles imposed by woke progressivism and, more important, the regulatory shackles that the Biden administration wanted to impose on rapidly advancing frontier technologies, artificial intelligence above all.
To Bannon, the idea of Silicon Valley unbound is, first, a variation on the kind of neoliberal globalism that Trump campaigned against in 2016, and second, a potentially dystopian path to a post-human future, where the elite aspires to a cyborg existence and machine intelligence makes ordinary human beings increasingly obsolete.
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Yomiuri Shimbun
2 days ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
The MAGA Faithful Celebrate the End of the Trump-Musk Bromance
Tom Brenner/For The Washington Post President Donald Trump speaks during a news conference with Elon Musk on May 30 inside the Oval Office. 'Boooooooooooo CYBERTRUCK!' Raheem Kassam stood on a sidewalk in the Capitol Hill stretch of Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, pulling a Hestia cigarette from a pack and preparing to light it. He had spotted the truck, a heap of matte silver and sharp angles, parked on the street nearby. It was the uninvited guest to an unofficial party celebrating what the MAGA faithful here view as the end of Elon Musk's influence in President Donald Trump's Washington. The festive mood Thursday night came after an hours-long public feud between Musk and Trump that captivated Washington and appeared to mark the dissolution of the two men's bromance. Musk spent tens of millions to help elect Trump last year before heading up a controversial cost-cutting effort over the past five months known as the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE. But Musk turned on Trump this week over the president's massive deficit-busting tax and spending plan. 'We're popping bottles tonight,' said Kassam, who had just set down his tin of caviar and pearl spoon before stepping outside for a smoke break. So goes the sentiment at Butterworth's, the French-inspired bistro on Capitol Hill that has become something of a MAGA clubhouse in Trump's second term. Kassam, the editor in chief of the National Pulse, a right-wing populist news site, is one of the investors. And 'MAGA' – Make America Great Again – is the operative adjective here. Over plates of lamb tartare and generous pours of Côtes du Rhône – perhaps the only liberal thing here – diners said their loyalties would be to Trump in the high-profile breakup. 'This is a lesson the MAGA right needed to learn right now,' he continued. The establishment Republican Party had already gone through something similar, Kassam said, when the tea party 'got bought out by the Kochs,' referring to two wealthy brothers who funded traditionalist conservative causes. 'I was very worried for a time that MAGA would be bought out by the oligarchs, too,' he said. 'And it's just so satisfying to see that that is now no longer the case.' All evening, acerbic tones of a Musk-inspired diss track could be heard across the bar. 'What people need to remember is that, you know, this is President Trump's movement,' said CJ Pearson, a Gen Z MAGA influencer. 'The least-surprising thing I've ever seen,' said Matthew Boyle, the Washington bureau chief of the conservative news outlet Breitbart. 'We were all ready for this from the beginning.' Butterworth's is a haunt of Stephen K. Bannon, the 'War Room' podcast host and former Trump adviser, and his political sympathizers. Bannon never cared for Musk, who embodied the tech right and ultrawealthy interests; the two routinely clashed over the direction of Trump's second term, with Bannon pushing a more populist, nationalist agenda. The attacks often veered into name-calling: Musk called Bannon 'a great talker, but not a great doer'; Bannon called Musk a 'truly evil person' and a 'parasitic illegal immigrant.' Bannon wasn't at Butterworth's on Thursday – he had spent much of the evening on the phone with reporters and allies, reveling in the moment. Phoning in to The Washington Post as a reporter was perched at the bar, Bannon said federal officials should investigate whether Musk, who was born and raised in South Africa, had legally entered the country and should deport him if he hadn't followed all proper procedures. The Post reported last year that Musk worked illegally in the United States as he launched his entrepreneurial career after ditching a graduate studies program in California. And Bannon said Trump should sign an executive order to keep Musk from interfering with government work that his companies have contracts on. Federal officials should take over Musk's businesses, at least temporarily, Bannon said. 'The government should seize control of SpaceX tonight through the Defense Production Act,' Bannon said. He was referring to Musk's declaration Thursday that he would decommission the spacecraft tasked with delivering supplies to the International Space Station – a threat he later retracted. And he said the government should seize Musk's Starlink satellite company while they're at it. 'He's an unstable individual who has a history of massive drug use,' Bannon said, referring to a recent New York Times report. 'He should not be in charge of essential national security programs.' What about that tantalizing tidbit Musk dropped on X – that Trump is 'in the Epstein files?' The claim referred to convicted and deceased sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. Musk threw it like a match on his way out the door. 'He is a national security threat,' Bannon said of Musk's claim against Trump and his declared support Thursday for impeaching the president to replace him with Vice President JD Vance. This evening at Butterworth's, technically, wasn't supposed to be about Musk. It was supposed to be about a plaque – specifically, one about the size of a hot dog bun, mounted near a floral pattern sofa by Butterworth's entrance. 'THE AMBASSADOR'S SOFA,' it shouted in bronze. The diplomat in question was British ambassador Peter Mandelson, who had fond notions of being served lobster thermidor 'sprawled out on this sofa here.' That's what he would prefer to talk about. But he indulged The Post's queries about Trump and Musk, too. 'Honestly, I genuinely don't know what Elon has said,' Mandelson said, when confronted about Musk's recent social media posts about Trump. 'But I think the office of the president should be respected at all times.' If Butterworth's is the safe space for the Trump faithful, the X social media site that he owns – formerly known as Twitter – is Musk's. Pearson, the influencer, has seen MAGA influencers taking Musk's side. 'It's completely economically motivated by some of these people who are, honestly, grifters,' Pearson said. 'These are folks who depend on Elon bucks to pay their rent, and now they're betraying their values and their principles simply because they need to make ends meet.' Bart Hutchins, Butterworth's chef and resident bon vivant, stood behind the host counter, turning to tend to a customer waiting to check in for his reservation. Hutchins, like Musk, has gone through more liberal and conservative phases – and Hutchins has liked Musk through none of them. 'Elon Musk is an insufferable nerd, and I hope this marks the end of his engagement with public life,' Hutchins said. 'He's an aesthetic nightmare,' he added. 'Like, he doesn't have anything interesting to say.' Back on the sidewalk, Kassam was twirling a cigarette between his fingertips. He was thinking aloud about Musk's fights with conservative leaders on the international stage, such as Nigel Farage, the leader of Britain's Reform Party whom Musk had harshly criticized. (Kassam, an associate of Farage, said Musk 'went crawling back to him, by the way, and apologized.') There was also Peter Navarro, Trump's longtime trade adviser and a top champion of aggressive tariffs who, like Bannon, served prison time after being found in contempt of Congress in connection with investigations of Trump. After the president announced his 'Liberation Day' tariff plan, Musk posted on X that Navarro was 'truly a moron.' 'Dr. Peter Navarro went to jail for the movement and for the president,' Kassam said, while admitting he is 'not even a huge fan of him personally.' 'But he's a made man. You don't get to pick fights with Dr. Peter Navarro,' Kassam continued. Kassam paused before lighting his cigarette. 'What's also really funny, what Elon doesn't realize, is all of his DOGE people leak all around town,' Kassam said. 'They talk to everyone – they talk to reporters, they talk to MAGA people, they talk to Bannon world people, they talk to everyone, because they're not political people. 'They don't know how to work in this town. And so as I stare at his Cybertruck,' Kassam continued, looking at the vehicle parked on the street a few doors down, 'his greenness has finally come back to bite him. … And good riddance.'
Japan Today
01-06-2025
- Japan Today
Elon Musk came to Washington wielding a chain saw. He leaves behind upheaval and unmet expectations
By CHRIS MEGERIAN Elon Musk holds up a chainsaw he received from Argentina's President Javier Milei, right, as they arrive to speak at the Conservative Political Action Conference, CPAC, at the Gaylord National Resort & Convention Center, on Feb 20, 2025, in Oxon Hill, Md. Elon Musk arrived in the nation's capital with the chain saw-wielding swagger of a tech titan who had never met a problem he couldn't solve with lots of money, long hours or a well-calibrated algorithm. President Donald Trump was delighted to have the world's richest person — and a top campaign donor — working in his administration, talking about how he was 'a smart guy' who 'really cares for our country.' Musk was suddenly everywhere — holding forth in Cabinet meetings while wearing a 'tech support' shirt and black MAGA hat, hoisting his young son on his shoulders in the Oval Office, flying aboard Air Force One, sleeping in the White House. Democrats described the billionaire entrepreneur as Trump's 'co-president,' and senior officials bristled at his imperial approach to overhauling the federal government. After establishing Tesla as a premier electric automaker, building rockets at SpaceX and reshaping the social media landscape by buying Twitter, Musk was confident that he could bend Washington to his vision. Now that's over. Musk is leaving his job as a senior adviser, an announcement that came after he revealed his plan to curtail political donations and he criticized the centerpiece of Trump's legislative agenda. It's a quiet exit after a turbulent entrance, and he's trailed by upheaval and unmet expectations. Thousands of people were indiscriminately laid off or pushed out — hundreds of whom had to be rehired — and some federal agencies were eviscerated. But no one has been prosecuted for the fraud that Musk and Trump said was widespread within the government. Musk reduced his target for cutting spending from $2 trillion to $1 trillion to $150 billion, and even that goal may not be reached. In Silicon Valley, where Musk got his start as a founder of PayPal, his kind of promises are known as vaporware — a product that sounds extraordinary yet never gets shipped to market. Trump, who once called Musk 'a truly great American' and 'a patriot,' said nothing about the departure. White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said: 'We thank him for his service.' Musk's position was always designed to be temporary, and he had previously announced his intention to dedicate more of his time to his companies. But he also told reporters last month that he was willing to work part-time for Trump 'indefinitely, as long as the president wants me to do it.' It was clear that Musk wouldn't be the typical kind of presidential adviser around the time that he showed the world his belly button. Racing on stage at a campaign rally one month before the election, he jumped for joy next to Trump, his T-shirt rising to expose his midriff. Musk had already sold Trump on his idea for a Department of Government Efficiency while also putting at least $250 million behind his candidacy. The plan called for a task force to hunt for waste, fraud and abuse, a timeworn idea with a new twist. Instead of putting together a blue-ribbon panel of government experts, Trump would give his top donor a desk in the White House and what appeared to be carte blanche to make changes. Musk deployed software engineers who burrowed into sensitive databases, troubling career officials who sometimes chose to resign rather than go along. Trump brushed off concerns about Musk's lack of experience in public service or conflicts of interest from his billions of dollars in federal contracts. Their unlikely partnership had the potential for a generational impact on American politics and government. While Musk dictated orders for government departments from his perch in the White House, he was poised to use his wealth to enforce loyalty to the president. His language was that of catastrophism. Excessive spending was a crisis that could only be solved by drastic measures, Musk claimed, and 'if we don't do this, America will go bankrupt.' But even though he talked about his work in existential terms, he treated the White House like a playground. He brought his children to a meeting with the Indian prime minister. He let the president turn the driveway into a makeshift Tesla showroom to help boost sales. He installed an oversized screen in his office that he occasionally used to play video games. Sometimes, Trump invited Musk to sleep over in the Lincoln Bedroom. 'We'll be on Air Force One, Marine One, and he'll be like, 'do you want to stay over?'' Musk told reporters. The president made sure he got some caramel ice cream from the kitchen. 'This stuff's amazing,' Musk said. 'I ate a whole tub of it.' Looking back on his experience in government, he described it as a lark. 'It is funny that we've got DOGE,' an acronym that references an online meme featuring a surprised-looking dog from Japan. 'How did we get here?' From the beginning, Musk treated federal workers with contempt. At best, they were inefficient; at worst, they were committing fraud. His team offered them a 'fork in the road,' meaning they could get paid to quit. Probationary employees, generally people new on the job without full civil service protection, were shown the door. Anyone who stayed faced escalating demands, such as what became known as the 'five things' emails. Musk wanted every government employee to submit a list of five things they accomplished in the previous week, and he claimed that 'failure to respond will be taken as a resignation.' Some administration officials curtailed the plan, concerned that it could jeopardize security in more sensitive areas of the government, and it eventually faded, an early sign of Musk's struggle to get traction. But in the meantime, he continued issuing orders like thunderbolts. One day in February, Musk posted 'CFPB RIP,' plus an emoji of a tombstone. The headquarters of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, created after the Great Recession to protect Americans from fraud and deceptive practices, was shut down and employees were ordered to stop working. Musk had already started gutting the U.S. Agency for International Development, a pillar of the country's foreign policy establishment and the world's largest provider of humanitarian assistance. 'Spent the weekend feeding USAID into a wood chipper,' he bragged. Thousands of contacts were cut off, pleasing conservatives who disliked the agency's progressive initiatives on climate change and gay rights. Musk rejected concerns about the loss of a crucial lifeline for impoverished people around the globe, saying, 'no one has died.' However, children who once relied on American assistance perished from malnutrition, and the death toll is expected to increase. The lawsuits began piling up. Sometimes workers got their jobs back, only to lose them again. The Food and Drug Administration, which is responsible for ensuring the safety of everything from baby formula to biotech drugs, planned to lay off 3,500 employees. But again and again, the agency was forced to rehire people who were initially deemed expendable, including laboratory scientists, travel bookers and document specialists. Commissioner Marty Makary, who started his job after many of the cuts took place, told attendees at a recent conference that 'it was hard and my job is to make sure we can heal from that.' Only 1,900 layoffs took place, but another 1,200 staffers took buyouts or early retirement. Experts fear the agency has lost much of its institutional knowledge and expertise in areas like vaccines, tobacco and food. There are also concerns about safety on public lands. The National Park Service has been bleeding staff, leaving fewer people to maintain trails, clean restrooms and guide visitors. More cuts at the Forest Service could undermine efforts to prevent and fight wildfires. The Environmental Protection Agency faces a broad overhaul, such as gutting the Office of Research and Development, which was responsible for improving air pollution monitoring and discovering harmful chemicals in drinking water. Not even low-profile organizations were exempt. Trump ordered the downsizing of the U.S. Institute of Peace, a nonprofit think tank created by Congress, and Musk's team showed up to carry out his plan. The organizations' leaders were deposed, then reinstated after a court battle. The bulk of federal spending goes to health care programs like Medicaid and Medicare, plus Social Security and the military. Unfortunately for Musk, all of those areas are politically sensitive and generally require congressional approval to make changes. Thousands of civilian workers were pushed out at the Pentagon, and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is reducing the ranks of top generals and looking to consolidate various commands. A plan to downsize an office for testing and evaluating new weapons systems could save $300 million per year. Hegseth recently asked employees to submit one idea per week for cutting waste. However, the Pentagon budget would increase by $150 billion, for a total of more than $900 billion, under Trump's spending proposal working its way through Congress. The money includes $25 billion to lay the groundwork for Trump's 'golden dome' missile defense program and $34 billion to expand the naval fleet with more shipbuilding. Another $45 million is expected to be spent on a military parade on June 14, which is the 250th anniversary of the Army's founding and Trump's 79th birthday. Musk also faced blowback for targeting Social Security, which provides monthly benefits to retirees and some children. He suggested that the popular program was 'a Ponzi scheme' and the government could save between $500 billion and $700 billion by tackling waste and fraud. However, his estimates were inflated. Social Security's inspector general said there was only $71.8 billion in improper payments over eight years. Nor was there any evidence that millions of dead people were receiving benefits. Changes to Social Security phone services, pitched as a way to eliminate opportunities for fraud, were walked back after an outcry from lawmakers and beneficiaries. But the agency could still shed 7,000 workers while closing some of its offices. Musk's popularity cratered even though Americans often agreed with his premise that the federal government is bloated and wasteful, according to polling from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. Just 33% of U.S. adults had a favorable view of Musk in April, down from 41% in December. In addition, 65% said Musk had too much influence over the federal government. During a campaign rally in October, Musk said he could find 'at least $2 trillion' in spending cuts. In January, before Trump was inaugurated, he revised by saying, 'if we try for $2 trillion, we've got a good shot at getting one.' But in April, at a Cabinet meeting, Musk provided a different target. He was 'excited to announce' that they could reach $150 billion in savings during the current fiscal year. Whether that figure proves to be accurate is difficult to measure, especially because DOGE routinely inflated or mischaracterized its work. But it falls short of President Bill Clinton's initiative three decades ago, which resulted in $136 billion in savings — the equivalent of more than $240 billion today. Elaine Kamarck, a key figure in the Clinton administration, said they focused on making the government more responsive and updating antiquated internal procedures. The work took years. 'We went about it methodically, department by department,' she said. The effort also reduced the federal workforce by more than 400,000 employees. However, Musk did little to seek insight from people who knew the inner workings of government. 'They made some changes without really knowing what they were doing,' said Alex Nowrasteh, vice president for economic and social policy studies for the libertarian think tank Cato Institute. He said there were 'a lot of unforced errors.' In the end, Nowrasteh said, 'they set themselves up for failure.' Associated Press writers Tom Beaumont in Des Moines and Lolita Baldor, Matthew Daly, Gary Fields, Fatima Hussein, Ellen Knickmeyer, Matthew Perrone, Michelle Price and Amelia Thomson DeVeaux in Washington contributed to this report. © Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.
Yomiuri Shimbun
30-05-2025
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Elon Musk Came to Washington Wielding a Chain Saw. He Leaves behind Upheaval and Unmet Expectations
AP file photo Elon Musk holds up a chainsaw he received from Argentina's President Javier Milei, right, as they arrive to speak at the Conservative Political Action Conference, CPAC, at the Gaylord National Resort & Convention Center, Feb. 20, 2025, in Oxon Hill, Md. WASHINGTON (AP) — Elon Musk arrived in the nation's capital with the chain saw-wielding swagger of a tech titan who had never met a problem he couldn't solve with lots of money, long hours or a well-calibrated algorithm. President Donald Trump was delighted to have the world's richest person — and a top campaign donor — working in his administration, talking about how he was 'a smart guy' who 'really cares for our country.' Musk was suddenly everywhere — holding forth in Cabinet meetings while wearing a 'tech support' shirt and black MAGA hat, hoisting his young son on his shoulders in the Oval Office, flying aboard Air Force One, sleeping in the White House. Democrats described the billionaire entrepreneur as Trump's 'co-president,' and senior officials bristled at his imperial approach to overhauling the federal government. After establishing Tesla as a premier electric automaker, building rockets at SpaceX and reshaping the social media landscape by buying Twitter, Musk was confident that he could bend Washington to his vision. Now that's over. Musk said this week that he's leaving his job as a senior adviser, an announcement that came after he revealed his plan to curtail political donations and he criticized the centerpiece of Trump's legislative agenda. It's a quiet exit after a turbulent entrance, and he's trailed by upheaval and unmet expectations. Thousands of people were indiscriminately laid off or pushed out — hundreds of whom had to be rehired — and some federal agencies were eviscerated. But no one has been prosecuted for the fraud that Musk and Trump said was widespread within the government. Musk reduced his target for cutting spending from $2 trillion to $1 trillion to $150 billion, and even that goal may not be reached. In Silicon Valley, where Musk got his start as a founder of PayPal, his kind of promises are known as vaporware — a product that sounds extraordinary yet never gets shipped to market. Trump said Thursday on his Truth Social platform that he would hold a press conference Friday with Musk. 'This will be his last day, but not really, because he will, always, be with us, helping all the way,' Trump added. 'Elon is terrific!' Musk's position was always designed to be temporary, and he had previously announced his intention to dedicate more of his time to his companies. But he also told reporters last month that he was willing to work part-time for Trump 'indefinitely, as long as the president wants me to do it.' Musk got a seat at Trump's table and put $250 million behind his campaign It was clear that Musk wouldn't be the typical kind of presidential adviser around the time that he showed the world his belly button. Racing on stage at a campaign rally one month before the election, he jumped for joy next to Trump, his T-shirt rising to expose his midriff. Musk had already sold Trump on his idea for a Department of Government Efficiency while also putting at least $250 million behind his candidacy. The plan called for a task force to hunt for waste, fraud and abuse, a timeworn idea with a new twist. Instead of putting together a blue-ribbon panel of government experts, Trump would give his top donor a desk in the White House and what appeared to be carte blanche to make changes. Musk deployed software engineers who burrowed into sensitive databases, troubling career officials who sometimes chose to resign rather than go along. Trump brushed off concerns about Musk's lack of experience in public service or conflicts of interest from his billions of dollars in federal contracts. Their unlikely partnership had the potential for a generational impact on American politics and government. While Musk dictated orders for government departments from his perch in the White House, he was poised to use his wealth to enforce loyalty to the president. His language was that of catastrophism. Excessive spending was a crisis that could only be solved by drastic measures, Musk claimed, and 'if we don't do this, America will go bankrupt.' But even though he talked about his work in existential terms, he treated the White House like a playground. He brought his children to a meeting with the Indian prime minister. He let the president turn the driveway into a makeshift Tesla showroom to help boost sales. He installed an oversized screen in his office that he occasionally used to play video games. Sometimes, Trump invited Musk to sleep over in the Lincoln Bedroom. 'We'll be on Air Force One, Marine One, and he'll be like, 'do you want to stay over?'' Musk told reporters. The president made sure he got some caramel ice cream from the kitchen. 'This stuff's amazing,' Musk said. 'I ate a whole tub of it.' Looking back on his experience in government, he described it as a lark. 'It is funny that we've got DOGE,' an acronym that references an online meme featuring a surprised-looking dog from Japan. 'How did we get here?' Musk did not give federal workers the benefit of the doubt From the beginning, Musk treated federal workers with contempt. At best, they were inefficient; at worst, they were committing fraud. His team offered them a 'fork in the road,' meaning they could get paid to quit. Probationary employees, generally people new on the job without full civil service protection, were shown the door. Anyone who stayed faced escalating demands, such as what became known as the 'five things' emails. Musk wanted every government employee to submit a list of five things they accomplished in the previous week, and he claimed that 'failure to respond will be taken as a resignation.' Some administration officials curtailed the plan, concerned that it could jeopardize security in more sensitive areas of the government, and it eventually faded, an early sign of Musk's struggle to get traction. But in the meantime, he continued issuing orders like thunderbolts. One day in February, Musk posted 'CFPB RIP,' plus an emoji of a tombstone. The headquarters of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, created after the Great Recession to protect Americans from fraud and deceptive practices, was shut down and employees were ordered to stop working. Musk had already started gutting the U.S. Agency for International Development, a pillar of the country's foreign policy establishment and the world's largest provider of humanitarian assistance. 'Spent the weekend feeding USAID into a wood chipper,' he bragged. Thousands of contacts were cut off, pleasing conservatives who disliked the agency's progressive initiatives on climate change and gay rights. Musk rejected concerns about the loss of a crucial lifeline for impoverished people around the globe, saying, 'no one has died.' However, children who once relied on American assistance perished from malnutrition, and the death toll is expected to increase. The lawsuits began piling up. Sometimes workers got their jobs back, only to lose them again. The Food and Drug Administration, which is responsible for ensuring the safety of everything from baby formula to biotech drugs, planned to lay off 3,500 employees. But again and again, the agency was forced to rehire people who were initially deemed expendable, including laboratory scientists, travel bookers and document specialists. Commissioner Marty Makary, who started his job after many of the cuts took place, told attendees at a recent conference that 'it was hard and my job is to make sure we can heal from that.' Only 1,900 layoffs took place, but another 1,200 staffers took buyouts or early retirement. Experts fear the agency has lost much of its institutional knowledge and expertise in areas like vaccines, tobacco and food. There are also concerns about safety on public lands. The National Park Service has been bleeding staff, leaving fewer people to maintain trails, clean restrooms and guide visitors. More cuts at the Forest Service could undermine efforts to prevent and fight wildfires. The Environmental Protection Agency faces a broad overhaul, such as gutting the Office of Research and Development, which was responsible for improving air pollution monitoring and discovering harmful chemicals in drinking water. Not even low-profile organizations were exempt. Trump ordered the downsizing of the U.S. Institute of Peace, a nonprofit think tank created by Congress, and Musk's team showed up to carry out his plan. The organizations' leaders were deposed, then reinstated after a court battle. Musk made little headway at the top sources of federal spending The bulk of federal spending goes to health care programs like Medicaid and Medicare, plus Social Security and the military. Unfortunately for Musk, all of those areas are politically sensitive and generally require congressional approval to make changes. Thousands of civilian workers were pushed out at the Pentagon, and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is reducing the ranks of top generals and looking to consolidate various commands. A plan to downsize an office for testing and evaluating new weapons systems could save $300 million per year. Hegseth recently asked employees to submit one idea per week for cutting waste. However, the Pentagon budget would increase by $150 billion, for a total of more than $900 billion, under Trump's spending proposal working its way through Congress. The money includes $25 billion to lay the groundwork for Trump's 'golden dome' missile defense program and $34 billion to expand the naval fleet with more shipbuilding. Another $45 million is expected to be spent on a military parade on June 14, which is the 250th anniversary of the Army's founding and Trump's 79th birthday. Musk also faced blowback for targeting Social Security, which provides monthly benefits to retirees and some children. He suggested that the popular program was 'a Ponzi scheme' and the government could save between $500 billion and $700 billion by tackling waste and fraud. However, his estimates were inflated. Social Security's inspector general said there was only $71.8 billion in improper payments over eight years. Nor was there any evidence that millions of dead people were receiving benefits. Changes to Social Security phone services, pitched as a way to eliminate opportunities for fraud, were walked back after an outcry from lawmakers and beneficiaries. But the agency could still shed 7,000 workers while closing some of its offices. Musk's popularity cratered even though Americans often agreed with his premise that the federal government is bloated and wasteful, according to polling from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. Just 33% of U.S. adults had a favorable view of Musk in April, down from 41% in December. In addition, 65% said Musk had too much influence over the federal government. Musk talked of staggering savings but delivered modest results During a campaign rally in October, Musk said he could find 'at least $2 trillion' in spending cuts. In January, before Trump was inaugurated, he revised by saying, 'if we try for $2 trillion, we've got a good shot at getting one.' But in April, at a Cabinet meeting, Musk provided a different target. He was 'excited to announce' that they could reach $150 billion in savings during the current fiscal year. Whether that figure proves to be accurate is difficult to measure, especially because DOGE routinely inflated or mischaracterized its work. But it falls short of President Bill Clinton's initiative three decades ago, which resulted in $136 billion in savings — the equivalent of more than $240 billion today. Elaine Kamarck, a key figure in the Clinton administration, said they focused on making the government more responsive and updating antiquated internal procedures. The work took years. 'We went about it methodically, department by department,' she said. The effort also reduced the federal workforce by more than 400,000 employees. However, Musk did little to seek insight from people who knew the inner workings of government. 'They made some changes without really knowing what they were doing,' said Alex Nowrasteh, vice president for economic and social policy studies for the libertarian think tank Cato Institute. He said there were 'a lot of unforced errors.' In the end, Nowrasteh said, 'they set themselves up for failure.'
