
Sept. 11 Plea Deal Includes Lifetime Gag Order on C.I.A. Torture Secrets
Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, the prisoner at the military prison in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, who is accused of plotting the Sept. 11 attacks, has agreed to never disclose secret aspects of his torture by the C.I.A. if he is allowed to plead guilty rather than face a death-penalty trial.
The clause was included in the latest portions of his deal to be unsealed at a federal appeals court in Washington. A three-judge panel is considering whether former Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III lawfully withdrew from a plea agreement with Mr. Mohammed in the capital case against five men who are accused of conspiring in the attacks that killed nearly 3,000.
The C.I.A. has never taken a public position on whether it supports the deal, and the agency declined to comment on Friday. But the latest disclosure makes clear that Mr. Mohammed would not be allowed to publicly identify people, places and other details from his time in the agency's secret prisons overseas from 2003 to 2006.
It has been publicly known for years that Mr. Mohammed was waterboarded 183 times by the C.I.A. It has also been revealed that waterboarding was done by a three-person interrogation team led by Bruce Jessen and James E. Mitchell, two former contract psychologists for the agency. Details of Mr. Mohammed's violent treatment, including rectal abuse, have emerged in court filings and leaks.
But the agency has protected the names of other people who worked in the 'black site' prisons, notably medical staff, guards and other intelligence agency employees who questioned Mr. Mohammed hundreds of times as he was shuttled between prisons in Afghanistan, Poland and other locations that have not been acknowledged by the C.I.A. as former black sites.
Now, a recently unredacted paragraph in Mr. Mohammed's 20-page settlement says he agreed not to disclose 'any form, in any manner, or by any means' information about his 'capture, detention, confinement of himself or others' while in U.S. custody.
He signed the agreement on July 31, after more than two years of negotiations between his lawyers and prosecutors, who are responsible for protecting national security secrets. Two military courts have ruled that Mr. Austin acted too late when he tried to withdraw from the settlement on Aug. 2, two days after the retired Army general he put in charge of the case had signed it.
The settlement and similar agreements with two of Mr. Mohammed's co-defendants, Walid bin Attash and Mustafa al-Hawsawi, are still mostly under seal while defense lawyers seek to enforce the agreement and hold a sentencing hearing at Guantánamo Bay.
Secrecy surrounding the black site program has been one reason for long delays in starting the trial. Mr. Mohammed was first charged in this case in 2012. Defense lawyers have spent years litigating for government versions of what happened to Mr. Mohammed and the other four defendants in the case, forcing prosecutors to frequently seek permission from the military judges to withhold or redact certain evidence in the case.
The settlement does allow Mr. Mohammed to continue discussing those details with his lawyers while they prepare for a lengthy sentencing trial before a military jury. Hs lawyers have an independent obligation to keep that information classified.
Separately on Friday, the three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit extended an order preventing the military judge at Guantánamo from holding plea proceedings in the case.

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New York Post
3 hours ago
- New York Post
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New York Post
6 hours ago
- New York Post
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CNN
8 hours ago
- CNN
Analysis: Trump may authorize strikes against Iran. Can he just do that?
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But Congress hasn't technically declared war since World War II and the US has been involved in a quite a few conflicts in the intervening generations. Presidents from both parties have argued they don't need congressional approval to launch military strikes. But longer-scale wars have been authorized through a series of joint resolutions, including the 2001 authorization for the use of military force against any country, person or group associated with the 9/11 terror attacks or future attacks. There's no indication Iran was involved with 9/11, so it would be a stretch to argue that vote, taken nearly a quarter of a century ago, would justify a strike against Iran today. But that vote has been used to justify scores of US military actions in at least 15 countries across the world. The Trump administration has said recent assessments by US intelligence agencies from earlier this year that Iran is not close to a nuclear weapon are outdated and that Iran's close proximity to developing a nuclear weapon justifies a quicker effort to denude its capability, perhaps with US bunker-busting bombs. Israel apparently lacks the ability to penetrate Iran's Fordow nuclear site, which is buried in a mountain. Prev Next Kaine, on the other hand, wants to hear more, and requiring a vote in Congress would force Trump to justify an attack. 'The last thing we need is to be buffaloed into a war in the Middle East based on facts that prove not to be true,' Kaine said. 'We've been down that path to great cost, and I deeply worry that it may happen again.' In 1973, responding to the disastrous war in Vietnam, Congress overrode President Richard Nixon's veto to pass an important piece of legislation, the War Powers Resolution, that sought to rein in presidents regarding the use of military force. The War Powers Resolution seeks to limit the president's ability to deploy the military to three types of situations: a declaration of war, specific statutory authorization, or a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces. An effort to end Iran's nuclear program would not seem to fall into any of those buckets, but Trump has plenty of lawyers at the Department of Justice and the Pentagon who will find a way to justify his actions. The law also requires Trump to 'consult' with Congress, but that could be interpreted in multiple ways. The law does clearly require the president to issue a report to Congress within 48 hours of using military force. 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For instance, when Trump ordered the killing of a top Iranian general who was visiting Iraq in 2020, lawyers for the Office of Legal Counsel at the Department of Justice, in what we know from a heavily redacted legal opinion, argued the president inherently had authority to order the strike under the Constitution if he determined that doing so was in the national interest. A similar memo sought to justifying US airstrikes in Syria during Trump's first term. That 'national interest' test is all but a blank check, which seems on its face to be inconsistent with the idea in the Constitution that Congress is supposed to declare war, as the former government lawyers and law professors Jack Goldsmith and Curtis Bradley argue at Lawfare. The OLC memo that justified the killing of the Iranian general suggests Congress can control the president by cutting off funding for operations and also that the president must seek congressional approval before 'the kind of protracted conflict that would rise to the level of war.' Presidents have frequently carried out air strikes, rather than the commitment of ground forces, without congressional approval. The OLC memo that justified the strike against the Iranian general in Iraq also argued Trump could rely on a 2002 vote by which Congress authorized the use of military force in Iraq. That 2002 authorization for use of military force (AUMF) was actually repealed in 2023, with help from then-Sen. JD Vance. OLC memos have tried to define war as 'prolonged and substantial military engagements, typically involving exposure of U.S. military personnel to significant risk over a substantial period.' Air strikes, one could imagine OLC lawyers arguing, would not rise to that level. What is a war? What are hostilities? These seem like semantic debates, but they complicate any effort to curtail presidential authority, as Brian Egan and Tess Bridgeman, both former national security lawyers for the government, argued in trying to explain the law at Just Security. The most effective way to stop a president would be for Congress to cut off funds, something it clearly can do. But that is very unlikely in the current climate, when Republicans control both the House and the Senate.