GOP group is abhorrent. And ASU is right to let them be that way
College Republicans United have called me a 'low IQ ginger,' a 'ginger loser' and a 'creepy liberal ginger redhead.'
That's OK. I don't like them either.
They're not kind. Not smart. Not clever. Not principled. They aren't even conservative (in the Burkean or Buckley sense).
But whatever their faults, CRU absolutely deserves a place at Arizona State University. They should be able to talk, and they should be able to express their politics.
That's exactly what they recently did.
CRU held an on campus event, manned by four college men, on Jan. 31 to promote the deportation of illegal immigrants by encouraging ASU students to 'report their criminal classmates to ICE for deportations.'
They did this instead of going to class, playing intramural sports, studying, working, volunteering, dating or even drinking.
The CRU event caused a stir (obviously).
Attorney General Kris Mayes condemned the event ('this is abhorrent behavior'). So, too, did U.S. Rep. Yassamin Ansari ('misinformed and disgusting'). Arizona House Democrats wrote that the CRU created 'an atmosphere of intimidation and terror.'
Even the official (and sane) College Republicans chapter of ASU condemned the event.
Some went further and not only condemned the event, but said that it should be shut down.
Phoenix councilman Carlos Galindo-Elvira wrote, 'I call on the ASU administration to halt this conduct.' The co-chair of the Arizona Green Party, Zakir Siddiqi, posted, 'I'm ashamed that my alma mater allows bigotry on our campus.'
Despite the exhortations of these two and many other social media commenters, ASU did not shut down the event.
ASU's decision was right on the law (ASU is a public university, and the First Amendment applies on campus). It was right for the development of students, and it was right for the health of civil society.
Too many universities think it is now their role to coddle and protect students.
Opinion: 'Snitch on classmates' event is sickening
Some professors at my current home — Harvard University — canceled classes after Donald Trump won because students had 'a bunch of emotions.' Similarly, many universities have created 'safe spaces' where students can go to avoid any contentious or upsetting ideas.
The New York Times described one such safe space at Brown University as a 'room equipped with cookies, coloring books, bubble, Play-Doh, calming music, pillows, blankets and a video of frolicking puppies.'
This is poor preparation for life.
Famous social scientist Jonathan Haidt has written extensively about this 'Coddling of the American Mind,' going so far as to link the rise in 'trigger warnings' and safety space-ism to mental illness, emotional fragility and overwhelming anxiety among young Americans.
Other universities have gone even further than safety spaces and have allowed for the cancelation of bothersome ideas.
In the newly published book, 'Lawless: The Miseducation of America's Elites,' legal scholar Ilya Shapiro chronicles how in recent years universities have canceled the speech of a federal judge because of the judge's views on LGBTQ+ issues (Stanford), suspended the employment of faculty because of an in-your-face tweet about affirmative action (Georgetown), and escorted a speaker away from violent students because of a position on transgenderism (Yale).
The world we live in is challenging. We won't agree with everyone. And sometimes ideas can be so noxious that they can strike at our gut or heart.
The College Republicans United event recently reminded many ASU students of that.
But in civil society, we must learn to coexist with those ideas. And in college — the great forge of minds — students shouldn't be shielded from potentially hurtful ideas; they should be invited to challenge them.
That's what ASU students did. Instead of banning the event or physically attacking the CRU, students rallied thousands to sign an opposition letter and showed up in the hundreds to counter-program the CRU event.
In doing so, these students allowed civil society to work. They sharpened their own ideas, and they developed that all important emotional grit.
Over the next four years, ASU, and especially President Michael Crow, will face immense pressure to cancel or censor inflammatory or unpopular speech.
It will be hard, but other than prohibiting unlawful acts (such as speech that incites violence or protests that bar students from getting to class), ASU should take a hands-off approach. Doing so will strengthen ASU students, and it will strengthen civil society.
In other words, ASU should let idiots — like the students at CRU — be idiots.
Stephen Richer is a former Maricopa County recorder. He is now a senior fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government and CEO of Republic Affairs. Reach him on X, formerly Twitter, @stephen_richer.
This article originally appeared on Arizona Republic: ASU is smart to let its students press for deportation | Opinion
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Trump's mass deportations leave Democrats more ready to fight back
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an hour ago
Trump's military parade is a US outlier in peacetime but parades and reviews have a long history
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But there are bipartisan concerns about the cost as well as concerns about whether Trump is blurring traditional understandings of what it means to be a civilian commander in chief. Ceremonial reviews — troops looking their best and conducting drills for top commanders — trace back through medieval kingdoms to ancient empires of Rome, Persia and China. The pageantry continued in the young U.S. republic: Early presidents held military reviews as part of July 4th independence celebrations. That ended with James K. Polk, who was president from 1845 to 1849. President Andrew Johnson resurrected the tradition in 1865, holding a two-day 'Grand Review of the Armies' five weeks after Abraham Lincoln's assassination. It came after Johnson declared the Civil War over, a show of force meant to salve a war-weary nation — though more fighting and casualties would occur. Infantry, cavalry and artillery units — 145,000 soldiers, and even cattle — traversed Pennsylvania Avenue. Johnson, his Cabinet and top Army officers, including Ulysses S. Grant, Lincoln's last commanding general and the future 18th president, watched from a White House viewing stand. The Spanish-American War was the first major international conflict for a reunited nation since the Civil War. It ended in a U.S. victory that established an American empire: Spain ceded Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Guam, and the U.S. purchased the Philippines for $20 million. Puerto Rico and Guam remain U.S. territories. New York City hosted multiple celebrations of a new global power. In August 1898, a fleet of warships, including the Brooklyn, the Texas, and the Oregon, sailed up the North River, more commonly known today as the Hudson River. American inventor Thomas Edison filmed the floating parade. The following September, New York hosted a naval and street parade to welcome home Rear Adm. George Dewey, who joined President William McKinley in a viewing stand. Many U.S. cities held World War I victory parades a few decades later. But neither Washington nor President Woodrow Wilson were the focal point. In Boston, a million civilians celebrated 20,000 troops in 1919. New York honored 25,000 troops marching in full uniform and combat gear. On June 13, 1942, as U.S. involvement in World War II accelerated, about 30,000 people formed a mobilization parade in New York City. Participants included Army and Navy personnel, American Women's Voluntary Services members, Boy Scouts and military school cadets. Scores of floats rolled, too. One carried a massive bust of President Franklin Roosevelt, who did not attend. Less than four years later, the 82nd Airborne Division and Sherman tanks led a victory parade down Manhattan's Fifth Avenue. Gen. Dwight Eisenhower, the Allied commander during World War II, rode in a victory parade in Washington, D.C. In 1952, Eisenhower would join Grant and George Washington as top wartime commanders elevated to the presidency following their military achievements. Other World War II generals were honored in other homecoming parades. The U.S. did not hold national or major city parades after wars in Korea and Vietnam. Both ended without clear victory; Vietnam, especially, sparked bitter societal division, enough so that President Gerald Ford opted against a strong military presence in 1976 bicentennial celebrations, held a year after the fall of Saigon. Washington finally hosted a victory parade in 1991 after the first Persian Gulf War. The Constitution Avenue lineup included 8,000 troops, tanks, Patriot missiles and representatives of the international coalition, led by the U.S., that quickly drove an invading Iraq out of Kuwait. The commander in chief, George H.W. Bush, is the last U.S. president to have held an active-duty military post. He had been a World War II combat pilot who survived his plane being shot down over the Pacific Ocean. Veterans of the second Iraq and Afghanistan wars that followed the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks have not been honored in national parades. Inaugural parades include and sometimes feature military elements. Eisenhower's 1953 inaugural parade, at the outset of the Cold War, included 22,000 service members and an atomic cannon. Eight years later, President John F. Kennedy, a World War II Naval officer, watched armored tanks, Army and Navy personnel, dozens of missiles and Navy boats pass in front of his reviewing stand. More recent inaugurations have included honor guards, academy cadets, military bands and other personnel but not large combat assets. Notably, U.S. presidents, even when leading or attending military events, wear civilian attire rather than military garb, a standard set by Washington, who also eschewed being called 'General Washington' in favor of 'Mr. President.' Perhaps the lone exception came in 2003, when President George W. Bush, who had been a National Guard pilot, wore a flight suit when he landed on the USS Abraham Lincoln and declared the end of major combat operations in Iraq, which U.S. forces had invaded six weeks earlier. The aircraft carrier was not a parade venue but the president emerged to raucous cheers from uniformed service members. He put on a business suit to deliver a nationally televised speech in front a 'Mission Accomplished' banner. As the war dragged on to a less decisive outcome, that scene and its enduring images would become a political liability for the president.