
Japan says progress made in U.S. tariff talks
Japan's chief trade negotiator Ryosei Akazawa said progress was made toward reaching a deal during his fourth round of tariff talks with his American counterparts, but declined to provide specifics.
He met with U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick for over two hours Friday morning. It follows his U.S. trip last week , when Bessent was unable to attend.
'We confirmed that both sides have gained a solid understanding of each other's positions, and that discussions toward reaching an agreement are making progress,' Akazawa told reporters in Washington after Friday's meeting.
He declined to comment in further detail.
The two sides are eyeing the Group of Seven leaders' summit in June as a possible setting to announce a trade deal. Akazawa confirmed on Friday that there will be another round of talks before the summit.
'In preparation for a Japan-U.S. leaders' meeting during the June summit — we agreed to further accelerate coordination between our two countries and to hold another round of consultations before then,' he said.
The pace of high-level exchanges between the two sides have increased since mid-May, with Akazawa traveling to Washington for two weeks in a row, and Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba and Trump talking over the phone every time Akazawa is in the air.
However, difficulties remain over reaching a deal as uncertainty looms .
On Wednesday, the Court of International Trade in Manhattan ruled Trump's 'reciprocal' tariffs to be unlawful , arguing the president had exceeded his authority in invoking an emergency law to justify his tariff moves.
However, a federal appellate court granted a temporary stay to the Trump administration on Thursday, allowing the tariffs to remain in place during the appeals process.
Later on Friday, Trump announced during a visit to a United States Steel plant in Pittsburgh that he will raise tariffs on steel to 50% from the current 25% .
Japan remains firm on its stance toward U.S. tariffs. Akazawa said Japan will continue to call on the U.S. to reverse the duties, including a 10% baseline tariff and 25% levies on autos, auto parts, steel and aluminum. It is not interested in partial concessions from the U.S. side at this time, he said.
'There are companies in Japan's auto industry that are losing ¥100 million per hour. Some are losing ¥1 billion per day, others as much as ¥2 billion per day. That is the situation the Japanese auto industry is facing,' Akazawa said.
'We do not, at this point of time, believe partial concessions are acceptable.'
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Japan Times
an hour ago
- Japan Times
Japan can ride the anime wave to become the new soft superpower
In today's rapidly evolving entertainment landscape, Japan is in a unique and privileged position. As global streaming giants battle for market share, Japan has something that can't be manufactured overnight: Decades worth of cultural content that has proven its global appeal. Anime has become Japan's most powerful soft power tool and provides a springboard for further expansion. This is a pivotal moment for "Peak Japan" — a term used by some to signal that the country has passed its prime and by others to indicate its stellar global popularity. Japan possesses the creative foundations to become a dominant player in global streaming content, but this requires coordinated action between government and industry. For a nation that has often struggled to project soft power proportional to its economic might, the streaming revolution offers a rare second chance. It is estimated that a small fraction of Japan's vast manga catalog has been made into animation, allowing room for immediate growth that could establish Japan as an entertainment powerhouse for decades to come. Japanese anime captured $19.8 billion in global revenue in 2023, according to data from the Association of Japanese Animations (AJA), which brings together dozens of production companies, and New Zealand firm Parrot Analytics. And this industry that has finally been recognized by the government as one of strategic importance and as an economic multiplier in the recently revised "New Cool Japan Strategy." This success is the fruit of decades of creative development and artistic innovation that has resonated across the world, laying the groundwork for peak cultural awareness of Japan internationally. As Japan considers its position in the global media ecosystem, it needs to acknowledge a fundamental shift: Content is no longer constrained by national borders or language barriers. Streaming platforms have democratized access to entertainment and Japan sits in an enviable position with a vast array of compelling content ready for global consumption. Another consideration is that Generation Z viewers differ fundamentally from previous cohorts. These young consumers don't see foreign-language content as "foreign" but, instead, as compelling stories worth experiencing. As digital natives, they have grown up watching YouTube, Netflix and the like and don't mind subtitles or dubbing. Japanese storytelling, with its distinctive narrative approaches and aesthetics, has found remarkable resonance with international Gen Z audiences. This demographic, which is just now growing into its significant purchasing power, isn't merely consuming Japanese content but embracing it as part of its identity. From anime-inspired fashion to Japanese vocabulary seeping into everyday English, we are witnessing cultural influence that extends far beyond mere entertainment. Famously, American sprinter Noah Lyles celebrated his gold medal in the 100-meter dash at the Paris Olympics last summer by making the "Kamehameha" gesture — an energy-blast attack from "Dragon Ball Z." The world's fastest man on the world's biggest sporting stage used this Japanese cultural symbol to mark his win. Yet while anime leads in Japanese soft-power exports, it should be viewed not as a destination but as a gateway to expand other areas. For example, according to the AJA and Parrot Analytics survey, merchandise sales typically generate three times the revenue of streaming anime itself, representing a significant economic opportunity. Last year, FX's 'Shogun' was one of the world's most popular TV shows, making history as the production with the most Emmy wins in a single year. However, the historical drama set in Momoyama Period (1573-1603) Japan is an American production written by a Brit and filmed mostly in Canada. To fully realize its potential, Japan should be taking the big swings with its own stories and content. It would be wise to study South Korea's Hallyu wave carefully. This involves promoting not just K-dramas but K-pop and South Korean fashion, beauty products and cuisine as well; an approach that offers a blueprint for comprehensive cultural influence. It is no accident that South Korean content has risen to the top of the global entertainment business. This is the result of a thoughtful, well-funded strategy that allows for failures while generating huge successes, such as the film 'Parasite,' the TV series 'Squid Game,' the boy band BTS and girl group Blackpink, to name a few. Japan must position its film, television, music and merchandise for coordinated global distribution, with creative industries aligning around this shared objective instead of operating in separate domains. Partnerships with global streaming platforms represent a key opportunity as these services actively seek international content to differentiate themselves. Japan's production ecosystem, with its established studios and talent pools, offers advantages compared to Western markets struggling with rising production costs. Washington's recent threat that it will slap tariffs on movies coming to the United States from abroad only increases the urgency of a deeper involvement with streamers around the world, including in Southeast Asia and the Middle East. Asia-Pacific, with its rapidly expanding middle class and high level of digital adoption, should serve as Japan's primary expansion target. Starting with a regional focus allows for strategies to be refined before broadening horizons to the global stage. Despite all these opportunities, significant challenges remain. Japan must adapt its traditional, domestic market-focused business practices to international standards, particularly when it comes to licensing, release windows and distribution rights. In addition, digital transformation in the Japanese entertainment industry — including embracing big data and using advanced analytics — isn't optional; it is essential. Japanese creators — traditionally underpaid compared to their global counterparts — need to receive fair compensation as their work reaches increasingly international audiences. The traditional production committee model also requires reconsideration: While streamers like to negotiate for global rights, production committees have many stakeholders and may want to divide rights by region. This makes negotiations slower, difficult and less efficient, ultimately pushing streamers to opt for making their own products instead. Investments in technical infrastructure such as subtitling, dubbing and, critically, data analytic capabilities will determine whether Japan controls its destiny or merely supplies content to foreign platforms that capture most of the value. These investments should come from the Japan side, either from government or industry, to ensure a modicum of control. Meanwhile, competition is intensifying. China, South Korea and, increasingly, Southeast Asian players are investing heavily in content production, threatening Japan's current advantage. The No. 1 animated box office success of all time is China's 'Ne Zha 2,' which grossed over $2 billion worldwide. Monetary gains of this scale allow the Chinese entertainment industry to reinvest and adapt its products to achieve even broader appeal. The soft-power game is a big money investment and Japan must be willing to pay to play. The global streaming revolution offers unprecedented opportunities to share stories with the world while building economic strength through cultural exports. The question is whether Japan will seize this moment or watch as others, such as the streaming and digital platforms, capitalize on the foundations it has built by becoming the gatekeepers of our attention. Increased efforts to bring together studios, streaming platforms and government agencies to develop coherent strategies for global expansion will be needed. For a nation at the height of its cultural influence, the time to act is now. Japan shouldn't play a supporting role in its own story. Douglas Montgomery is an entertainment and retail researcher and analyst who splits his time between Los Angeles and Tokyo. He is the founder and CEO of Global Connects Media, a global entertainment and retail consultancy.


Yomiuri Shimbun
4 hours ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Tariff Negotiations: Time To Deepen Japan-U.S. Cooperation through Industrial Collaboration
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Japan Times
5 hours ago
- Japan Times
Trump tariffs face threat at top court — over rulings that blocked Biden
A legal argument that the U.S. Supreme Court used to foil Joe Biden on climate change and student debt now looms as a threat to President Donald Trump's sweeping tariffs. During Biden's presidency, the court's conservative majority ruled that federal agencies can't decide sweeping political and economic matters without clear congressional authorization. That blocked the Environmental Protection Agency from setting deep limits on power-plant pollution and the Education Department from slashing student loans for 40 million people. The concept — known as the "major questions doctrine' — is now playing a central role in the case against Trump's unilateral imposition of worldwide import taxes. With Supreme Court review all but inevitable, the justices' willingness to employ the doctrine against Trump may determine the fate of his signature economic initiative. The U.S. Court of International Trade cited the Biden-era rulings and the major questions doctrine when it ruled 3-0 last week that many of Trump's import taxes exceeded the authority Congress had given him. The challenged tariffs would total an estimated $1.4 trillion over the next decade, according to the nonpartisan Tax Foundation. Critics say the administration's tariffs would have an even bigger impact than the estimated $400 billion Biden student-loan package, which Chief Justice John Roberts described as having "staggering' significance in his 2023 opinion invalidating the plan. "If this is not a major question, then I don't know what is,' said Ilya Somin, a professor at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School and one of the lawyers challenging the tariffs. "We're talking about the biggest trade war since the Great Depression.' Until they were partly suspended, Trump's April 2 "Liberation Day' tariffs marked the biggest increase in import taxes pushed by the U.S. since the 1930 Smoot-Hawley tariffs and took the U.S.'s average applied tariff rate to its highest level in more than a century. The prospect of that massive tax increase and the resulting economic shock roiled financial markets and prompted fears of imminent recessions in the U.S. and other major global economies. The administration contends that the major questions doctrine doesn't apply when Congress gives authority directly to the president, rather than to an administrative agency. The government also says the doctrine is inapt when the subject is national security and foreign affairs — policy areas where the president has long been recognized to have broad powers. "No one doubts the significance of the challenged tariffs, but significance alone does not implicate the major questions doctrine, otherwise, it would apply to countless government actions, including every emergency statute,' the Justice Department said in a filing at the Court of International Trade. The legal clash centers on Trump's power under the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act, which says the president may "regulate' the "importation' of property to address an emergency situation. The Court of International Trade said those words weren't clear enough to legally justify Trump's taxes given that the Constitution gives the tariff power to Congress. In addition to major questions, the panel also invoked the nondelegation doctrine, a related conservative-backed legal theory that says lawmakers can't give away their constitutional legislative and taxing powers. 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"We 'typically greet' assertions of 'extravagant statutory power over the national economy' with 'skepticism,'' Roberts wrote, borrowing words from a 2014 ruling. Roberts said the court used similar reasoning, though without the "major questions' label, when it blocked Biden's pandemic eviction moratorium and his vaccine-or-test mandate for workers. The court's liberals accused their conservative colleagues of creating a convenient exception to their usual laserlike focus on statutory text. "The current court is textualist only when being so suits it,' Justice Elena Kagan said in dissent in the climate case. "When that method would frustrate broader goals, special canons like the 'major questions doctrine' magically appear as get-out-of-text-free cards.' The sharp ideological divide masks a more subtle split among the court's conservatives about the purpose of the major questions doctrine. Justice Amy Coney Barrett has described it as a tool for ascertaining the most natural reading of a statute, while Justice Neil Gorsuch has cast it as a means of keeping Congress and the president in their proper constitutional lanes. The key question now is what the court will do with the major questions doctrine when it comes in the context of tariffs and a Republican president who appointed three of the justices. "The court has not been at all transparent about the grounds on which it will invoke this doctrine,' said Ronald Levin, an administrative law professor at Washington University in St. Louis. "It's left its options completely open.'