
Canada election 2025: Stormont-Dundas-South Glengarry
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Stormont-Dundas-South Glengarry is a federal riding located in Ontario.
This riding is currently represented by Conservative MP Eric Duncan who first took office in 2019. Duncan collected 29,255 votes, winning 55.56 per cent of the vote in the 2021 federal election.
Voters will decide who will represent Stormont-Dundas-South Glengarry in Ontario during the upcoming Canadian election on April 28, 2025.
Visit this page on election night for a complete breakdown of up to the minute results.
Candidates
Conservative: Eric Duncan (Incumbent)
Liberal: Sarah Good
NDP: Mario Leclerc
Green: Gordon Kubanek
Libertarian: Karl Ivan MacKinnon

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National Observer
28 minutes ago
- National Observer
Now is the time for Canada to strengthen its diplomatic ties with Greenland
One of the most topographically interesting regions in the world, Greenland flaunts an impressive seven-kilometre-deep ice sheet that is said to be the world's largest glacier, covering 80 per cent of the island's surface. Beneath its Arctic tundra — vast and desolate areas that are not covered in ice — sits a hotbed of mineral wealth. Its barren landscape and polar climate allow for prime crystallization of rare metals: cobalt, nickel, copper, lithium, uranium, graphite and nickel, all of which play a critical role in the island's manufacturing and economic development, including green energy production, fossil fuel reserves for offshore oil and gas drilling, and digitization. With demand for rare earth minerals expected to reach up to seven times current levels by 2040, Greenland's winning ticket to geographic determinism and sovereignty lies within its own borders. Canada, in fact, shares this border with Greenland, the longest maritime border in the world. The territory is of great strategic importance to the Canadian archipelago in terms of its geographical positioning, giving Canada a stronger national defence policy, economic security, and greater supply chain reliability to access Greenland's rare earth minerals and other trade items, including medical products, food and agriculture, and construction vehicles. Canada is among five other northern neighbours, known as the Arctic Five, that also share a border with Greenland, including the United States (Alaska), Russia, Norway and Denmark. It is no wonder, then, that the largest island in the world has historically garnered considerable interest from major world powers. Despite geopolitical competition to strengthen relations with Greenland, Canada has bolstered its own position as a viable trading partner. On June 14, 2022, the Kingdom of Denmark signed a memorandum of understanding with Ottawa for the Hans Island Agreement, solidifying a longstanding negotiation between Nunavut and Nuuk to mutually expand its commitment and partnership in trade, energy, minerals, research, education and Indigenous knowledge exchange in Canada's northern regions. In December 2024, Canada's then-minister of foreign affairs announced a $34.7 million-funding plan over a five-year period as part of their Arctic foreign policy for the Global Arctic Leadership Initiative. And Canada's Arctic Foreign Policy (ANPF), which was co-developed by 25 First Nations, Inuit and Métis governments, is guided by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP), with the aim of engaging and strengthening Indigenous presence and voices in international forums, sharing Indigenous knowledge and traditions, and addressing migration challenges. Canadian efforts to bolster its ties with Greenland, however, are currently being overshadowed by its neighbour south of the border. Washington's recent proposal to purchase the territory to boost its national security prowess and harness a resource-rich cash cow has ignited a new Cold War in the region. Although US President Trump previously expressed interest in Greenland in 2019, his latest comments about securing the territory (along with Canada as its 51 st state), sped up the pace in the race for strengthening partnerships in the Arctic Circle. Although a US invasion of Canada is illegal under international law, such a scheme would force China to loosen its white-knuckle grip on the US (and Canada, for that matter), as Beijing has positioned itself as a global leader in rare earth mineral production and is looking to advance its 'Polar Silk Road' by fast-tracking the development of Arctic shipping lanes by 2050. A sense of urgency among Canadians to secure diplomatic ties with Greenland is amassing due to geopolitical tensions, especially considering Trump's recent claims to purchase the territory. A 2024 survey conducted by the Observatory on Politics and Security in the Arctic (OPSA) found that nearly three-quarters (73 per cent) of Canadians worry their nation might lose part of its presence in the Arctic unless it paves a stronger path to securing it. Almost half (49 per cent) want Ottawa to take a confrontational approach to territorial disputes, while 32 per cent prefer negotiating a deal with other northern neighbours that border the Arctic. Defending Canada's Arctic borders and protecting the environment were top priorities for Canadians, 32 per cent and 31 per cent, respectively, followed by an equal proportion ensuring economic growth and strengthening Indigenous People's autonomy and self-determination at 15 per cent each. With demand for rare earth minerals expected to reach up to seven times current levels by 2040, Greenland's winning ticket to geographic determinism and sovereignty lies within its own borders, writes Lisa Byers Canada and the United States are already strong allies when it comes to matters in the Arctic, so much so that Ottawa is Washington's closest partner. Their affiliated defence operation is a critical aspect of security on the North American continent, yet with the great white North seemingly under threat, Canada is under pressure to act fast. With a remarkable comeback made by the Liberals with Prime Minister Mark Carney, however, the promise to build Canada's energy corridor interprovincially and abate its reliance on US energy sources, there is the possibility to extend support in the Arctic. In his 2007 campaign kickoff speech, then-Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper declared, 'Canada has a choice when it comes to defending our sovereignty over the Arctic. We either use it or we lose it… And it represents the tremendous potential of our future.' Greenland's global and socioeconomic vision includes Canada, and if Ottawa misses the opportunity to take a more affirmative lead in engaging with its northern neighbour on the international stage, then it runs the risk of renouncing its position as an independent, strong, and ultimately, free nation state.


National Observer
28 minutes ago
- National Observer
Conservative influencers have gone silent on Pierre Poilievre
A month after losing the election, Pierre Poilievre made personal phone calls to a number of right-wing influencers who'd helped fuel his campaign. He wanted to thank them for their work — and, presumably, get them to start talking about him again. These are the political content creators with tens or hundreds of thousands of followers on Youtube, X, TikTok and Instagram. Many are products of the Freedom Convoy; they have handles like Unacceptable Fringe, Clyde Do Something, Pleb Reporter, and Right Blend. Though unknown to millions of Canadians who get their news from more traditional sources, they were highly visible celebrities at the rallies Poilievre held across the country in April. And as Poilievre's calls in June made clear, the Conservative leadership knows exactly who they are. Unfortunately for Poilievre, they've all gone silent on the Conservative leader. After months, even years, of full-throated daily support, these most important of fans have moved on. Scour their feeds, and you'll see plenty of Prime Minister Mark Carney-bashing, support for Alberta separatism, anger at pro-Palestine protests, Convoy nostalgia, outrage at immigration levels and housing costs and crime. You'll see support for Conservative MPs, whose speeches in the House of Commons are approvingly shared and dissected. What you won't see is any mention of the party's leader. Seemingly all at once, in mid-June, conservative influencers began posting that Poilievre had recently called them. I reached out to several influencers for comment on this story; only one agreed to speak with me, and that was off the record. This person confirmed that Poilievre called them in early June. The unannounced call caught them by surprise – it was the first time Poilievre had ever spoken to this person, who has no formal relationship with the Conservative Party and was never paid for their extensive work promoting Poilievre's campaign. This person said Poilievre simply called to say thank you and ask how they were doing. It was a brief, friendly chat they described to me as a mutual 'checking in,' after an election that left Poilievre's followers feeling almost as bruised as the Conservative leader himself. According to this person, Poilievre didn't ask for their future support. Whether he asked for it or not, Poilievre needs that support more now than ever. Locked out of the House of Commons, the Conservative leader is struggling for attention and relevance, further from the spotlight than he's been in years. He's got a new election campaign on his hands in Alberta — thousands of kilometres away from the action in Ottawa — to be followed by a leadership review in January. So far, there's little sign of dissent among Conservative MPs, many of whom owe their seats to Poilievre's support. But in the two months since Poilievre's defeat, things have only gotten worse for the party and its leader. Poilievre's doldrums are the precise inversion of the prime minister's summer of exuberance. A Nanos poll released June 10 found that national support for Poilievre is lower now than at any point since he won the party's leadership race in 2022. Less than 25 per cent of respondents wanted Poilievre to be prime minister, whereas half were happy with Carney – a 25-point margin for the Liberals that matches the lead Poilievre squandered. If an election were held today, the poll found, Carney's Liberals would win a commanding majority with something in the range of 190 seats (they currently hold 169). Movements rely on momentum, and there's no doubt that Pierre Poilievre has lost his. He rode the same wave of anger that fuelled the influencers who supported him; now that anger has dissipated, and so has Poilievre's fire. These are honeymoon numbers, no doubt. As the last few months have made clear, and as Poilievre knows perhaps better than any living politician in Canada, political fortunes can turn on a dime, and predicting future electoral outcomes based on current polling is a recipe for embarrassment. But movements rely on momentum, and there's no doubt that Poilievre has lost his. He rode the same wave of anger that fuelled the influencers who supported him; now that anger has dissipated, and so has Poilievre's fire. His own party joined forces with the Liberals he once described as a ' clown show ' causing ' death and destruction,' to pass their first signature piece of legislation; gone are the days when the Conservative Party was the bulwark against the dangerous Liberal Party. You can see it in his face. Watch Poilievre's interview with Sean Speer, editor of The Hub, on June 23: at one point Speer asks Poilievre if he would describe Donald Trump as a conservative, but Poilievre declines to put any labels on the American president, pointing out that Trump has four years to go in office 'and you never know, I might be prime minister before that time is up.' His tone is utterly unconvincing, almost wistful. It's the voice of a man watching his dream recede further out of reach by the minute, delivering a line that circumstance has forced him to recite. Another notable aspect of that interview was Poilievre's refusal to take any responsibility for losing the election. When Speer gave him a chance to do so, Poilievre simply pointed out the familiar factors — Trudeau's resignation and Trump's aggression — in the sighing tone of a man recalling a tornado. Could Poilievre be blamed for such acts of God? 'You know, if you look at our numbers, we didn't actually come down that much,' he insisted. 'We made great gains, a couple million more votes — two and a half million more to be precise, and 25 more seats … now we have to build on the coalition that we've established.' One of that coalition's biggest threads — the cohort that pushed Poilievre to the top of his party and, for a brittle moment, to the top of national polls — was the Freedom Convoy. And there's no better barometer for how that cohort is feeling than the influencers it gave birth to. To go by their social media feeds, along with those of far-right outlets like Rebel News and Canada Proud, support for the federal Conservative Party does remain strong. They're still fighting the culture war that Poilievre championed on their behalf. It's Poilievre they've given up on.


Winnipeg Free Press
an hour ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Senate under pressure to deal with Carney's major projects bill quickly
OTTAWA – Prime Minister Mark Carney's controversial major projects bill could be in for a speedy trip through the Senate this week. Bill C-5 will be introduced at first reading in the upper chamber today after it was fast-tracked through the House of Commons and underwent a rare pre-study by the Senate. A programming motion adopted by the chamber fixes the bill to a strict schedule, with a final vote that must take place by the end of Friday. The politically charged legislation has upset Indigenous and environmental groups who criticize the government for rushing to grant itself sweeping new powers to fast-track project permits. But Carney has said Canada is facing an economic crisis due to the trade war with the U.S. and the country urgently needs to approve new 'nation-building' projects. The bill found broad support in the Commons, where the Conservatives voted with the Liberals to pass it at third reading 306 votes to 31 last week, with one Liberal MP voting against it. This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 25, 2025.