
Reform is about to smash the myth of a ‘progressive' Scotland
As is the fashion these days, journalists, politicians and commentators are getting their tartan troos in a twist over the most recent polling for next year's Holyrood elections.
Given Reform's narrative-changing performance at last week's local elections in England, it probably shouldn't be much of a surprise that Nigel Farage's party has enjoyed a post-poll bounce even in Scotland, where, we are regularly informed, your average voter is so progressive that he is permanently on the cusp of canonisation. Yet being more virtuous than our English neighbours has not prevented a Caledonian surge for Reform here too.
A Survation poll has produced a snapshot of party support north of the border that suggests Reform could form the official opposition to the SNP government from next May. The usual caveats apply: not a prediction, things could change, margin of error, etc.
This will annoy a lot of people and frighten many more. Not so much because they see in Reform's advance a repeat of German history in the 1930s – Scottish education has suffered under the SNP but it hasn't quite deteriorated that much yet – but because it looks likely that Scotland is about to endure another political earthquake that will reconfigure the political landscape. Again.
Ten years ago today, Scotland woke up to the new political reality that Scottish Labour's reliable fiefdom was no more: all but one of its MPs had been removed from office in a crushing defeat by the nationalists at the UK general election.
In the years that followed, the party made heroic efforts to recover, helped by the SNP's own unforced errors. Last year, most of those seats were recaptured by a new generation of Labour MPs. But discontent with Keir Starmer's administration has been widespread and Scotland has not reverted to the way it was in the '70s through to the noughties, when voters would reliably vote Labour whatever the national UK mood.
A friendly and sensible Labour MP pointed out to me recently that the threat to UK Labour from Reform is similar to the threat the SNP poses to Scottish Labour: voters in large parts of the country would be unlikely to countenance voting Tory, however unhappy they might be at Labour. But when an electorally viable alternative arrives on the scene… well, all bets are off.
And it is Scottish Labour and its leader at Holyrood, Anas Sarwar, who will feel most worried by the latest poll. When Humza Yousaf, the SNP's Liz Truss tribute act, was first minister, Sarwar enjoyed the unusual experience of being the most likely person to succeed him in Bute House, the official residence of the head of government in Scotland. But Yousaf's replacement by the dull, reliable and 'nice' John Swinney has steadied the SNP ship and the party has been leading in every poll since then.
The prospect of being replaced by Reform as the main opposition in even a single poll is exactly the kind of blow to personal and party morale that Sarwar could do without. Starmer repeatedly insisted, before last year's general election, that his path to Downing Street ran through Scotland. He was right. But if he's still right, that could mean the path to Downing Street is being paved for the benefit of a rather different political leader.
Does this poll mean that Scots are suddenly dangerously Right wing – or even 'far Right' as Swinney has often warned – and are emulating their southern compatriots' alleged intolerance of high levels of immigration?
Put it this way: the only time I had a voter tell me that 'Enoch was right' was not in a housing estate in London, Birmingham or Leicester; it was in Glasgow. From a Labour voter. The fact that for, decades, Scots generally voted for parties perceived as Left-wing, progressive and tolerant, effectively hid the frustration felt across many areas of Scotland, particularly in the sprawling housing estates where Labour used to trawl for support.
The resentment against the influx of asylum seekers, sent northwards by the Home Office to Labour-run Glasgow, the only Scottish local authority that had agreed to be part of the asylum dispersal scheme, was real and it was loud. And political parties ignored it.
It has been pointed out often but it's worth reiterating: it is the poorest communities, the ones with the fewest employment opportunities, the lowest quality of housing and schools, the fewest community facilities, that are more likely to resent new arrivals, especially if they arrive in large numbers. This is true across the whole of the UK, and Scotland is not exempt.
But our politicians chose not to acknowledge this, at least publicly. The myth of the welcoming, progressive Scot who is only too happy to hold placards declaring 'refugees welcome here' was propagated and repeated, however little attention was paid to the fact that a lot of those placard wavers headed home afterwards to their comfortable, middle class homes and their comfortable middle class jobs, separated from the affected communities by a comfortable middle class distance.
And suddenly in Scotland it's no longer socially unacceptable – or at least, not as socially unacceptable – to admit to being a Reform voter, especially if the central aim of placing that cross on the ballot paper is not to object to immigration, but to protest at the complacency of the establishment.
I know at least two members of my former local Labour Party who intend to exercise their frustration at their party by doing exactly that. Scottish Labour thought the nightmare of 2015 was over. It may be about to be repeated.
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BBC News
12 minutes ago
- BBC News
Harlow housing block dubbed 'open prison' to be redeveloped
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BBC News
12 minutes ago
- BBC News
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The Herald Scotland
31 minutes ago
- The Herald Scotland
So now you know, SNP: indy is not what people care about
There may have been little talk of independence in the campaign but Katy Loudon, the SNP candidate, put out a Facebook video on the morning of the by-election which made clear it's all about separating us from the rest of the UK. The unionist parties' share of the vote at the by-election was just short of 66%. If that doesn't send a clear message to the SNP and the Greens that independence is not what is important at the moment, I don't know what will. Maybe if the SNP improved our NHS, our education system, housing, our infrastructure, managed to build ferries and dual our roads on time and improve our economy, it might get more support. That would be novel, would it not? Jane Lax, Aberlour. Nothing short of humiliation It wasn't only the kitchen sink that the SNP flung at the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election. It threw the washing machine, tumble drier and dishwasher as well. 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The party of Nigel Farage, that enthusiastic Trump supporter, was understood to hold little attraction for the Scottish voter compared with his standing with the English electorate. The Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse voters have demonstrated otherwise. The UK political establishment, Labour in particular, has one important lesson to learn, that being that politics in our country is not working for a significant element of our population. The vote for a disastrous Brexit was the first warning sign of a significant discontent with the inequalities and injustices in our society and economy. Uncontrolled neoliberalism has done untold damage to our social contract with our politicians accepting unquestionably the words of Mrs Thatcher, 'there is no alternative'. John Milne, Uddingston. Reform will be a Holyrood force The most interesting thing about the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election for Holyrood is not who won, Labour, nor the fact that the voting was a three-way split between it, the SNP and Reform UK, but where Reform's votes came from. Compared to its vote share in the constituency in the last Holyrood election four years ago, the SNP vote dropped by almost 17% of the votes cast and the Tory vote by 11.5%. Labour's vote share actually went down by 2% as well. This means that Reform UK's 26% of the vote came more from parties of the left than the Tories. Clearly Reform is not just a threat to the Conservatives. In the climate of dissatisfaction with the established parties, Reform is on track to be a force at Holyrood next year. Otto Inglis, Crossgates, Fife. • After all the ballyhoo, the result is in and the real winner is Reform UK. John Swinney talked Reform up too effectively. Labour's candidate was nearly invisible. The result speaks volumes. The SNP lost. Labour just limped home despite being helped a huge amount by the SNP's travails. Reform UK came from a near-zero base to gain over 7,000 votes and run both other parties close. This by-election was a real test of public opinion for the shape of Holyrood in 2026. Reform could still founder given frequent party in-fighting. Equally the Tories could re-assert their desired position as defenders of the Union. John Swinney has made another major SNP blunder and released the genie from the bottle. Is he going to be the architect of the SNP's downfall? Dr Gerald Edwards, Glasgow. Labour far from home and hosed While Labour's victory in the Hamilton by-election seemingly points to the party winning the Scottish Parliament elections next year, if I were Anas Sarwar, I wouldn't be sizing up the curtains of Bute House just yet. The seat was won comfortably by the SNP in the last Scottish Parliament election in 2021 and is just the sort of seat that Labour needs to win if Anas Sarwar is to become Scotland's next First Minister. The SNP has made little progress in restoring its fortunes following its heavy defeat in last summer's Westminster election, with polls suggesting that the party's support across Scotland is still 15 points down on its tally in 2021. In the event, the fall in the party's support in Hamilton was, at 17 points, just a little higher than that. However, Labour's own tally was also down by two points on its vote in 2021, when overall the party came a disappointing third. That drop was very much in line with recent polling, which puts the party at just 19 per cent across Scotland as a whole, while the SNP has around a third of the vote. In addition, Labour is losing somewhere between one in six and one in five of its voters to Reform since last year's election. After nearly two decades in the political wilderness, there is little sign that Labour, as it currently stands, is set to regain the reins of power at Holyrood. Alex Orr, Edinburgh. Now flesh out the policies All the pundits initially claimed the Hamilton by-election would go to Labour, given local circumstances. Now a Labour win is described as a 'shock' after even some in Labour were describing their own candidate as not up to the job. But Labour needs to up its game for the next election. Criticism is easy, but Labour needs more fleshed-out policies for government, beyond centralising health in Scotland. The SNP needs to drop all the 'student politics' stuff; it was embarrassing to see a squabble over £2 million when it should be asking why Scotland does so poorly on defence procurement and jobs. Formulate a proper industrial policy for Scotland, and back any project that would enhance jobs and prosperity for Scotland. Refuse nothing and put the onus on unionists to explain their plans in detail. Trident: are the unionist plans for keeping Trident in Scotland similar to those for Diego Garcia? Nuclear power: why do they think Scotland should have it, given its high-cost electricity and the extensive lags on construction? What of waste disposal and site security? The SNP should be in favour of local pricing for electricity as a draw to attract jobs, and for North Sea oil/gas production (until Scots are empowered to decide its future). A Labour/SNP coalition? It looks like the only feasible outcome. GR Weir, Ochiltree. • For all the fuss about the Hamilton by-election, it should be noted that almost 56% of the electorate really don't care who represents them in the Scottish Parliament. Malcolm Parkin, Kinross. Russia claim is baseless Brian Wilson ("Yes, we should stand firm over Putin, but let's not make Russia our implacable foe", The Herald, June 5) tells us today that the rights of the former Soviet republics to seek security (membership of Nato) should have been balanced against Russian fears of encirclement. This raises two issues. Firstly, the Soviet Union consisted of 15 republics: the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (Russia itself) and 14 others. Of these, only three (the Baltic states,which were independent between the wars) have joined Nato. I am unclear as to how this constitutes encirclement. Does Mr Wilson envisage the Central Asian former republics (Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan etc) expressing a wish to join the alliance at some point, thus making encirclement a reality rather than a baseless claim? Secondly, does Mr Wilson not wonder why these small countries wished to be under the umbrella of the Nato alliance? To avoid the current fate of Ukraine perhaps? Alan Jenkins, Glasgow. • Brian Wilson expresses the hope that we should not categorise the Russian people as being inevitably in the enemy camp. He concluded his article by observing that narratives about Russia should have "due regard to past history and also future potential for peaceful co-existence". Such narratives should certainly not fail to take account of the contribution made by Russian armed forces and the civilian population during the Second World War, which is estimated to have resulted in some 25 million Soviet deaths. It is clear that the Russian effort during that war was profoundly influential in assisting toward the eventual defeat of Germany. The Russian people at the time called upon impressive levels of love of country and perseverance in the fight toward victory over a formidable enemy. Once we were allies. While Russia remains in the firm grip of the dictatorial, ambitious and ruthless Vladimir Putin, it is difficult to see to what extent meaningful steps can be taken to pursue the "potential for peaceful co-existence". Ian W Thomson, Lenzie. A Pride rally in Glasgow (Image: PA) Pride needed now as much as ever Gregor McKenzie (Letters, June 6) suggests that LGBT Pride has had its day. In fact, since the end of the pandemic restrictions, more people have been going to more Pride events across Scotland than ever before. Why? I think it's in part because people see how, after several positive changes in the law for LGBT people in the past 25 years, things are now starting to get worse again. Mr McKenzie asks why we can't all just let people be, and I wish we could. But the increased restrictions being introduced on trans people in the UK are quite the opposite of that. Trans people just want to get on with their lives, but the new rules make that much more difficult. And trans people are constantly maligned currently by some parts of the media. So Pride events are needed as much now as ever. They are a celebration of how far we have come in the 30 years since the first Pride Scotland, and they are a protest against the regression we're seeing now. One day perhaps Pride will be solely a celebration, but that day still seems some way off. Meanwhile people join together in the streets to say "Not going back". Tim Hopkins, Edinburgh.