How Trump's tariff hikes could impact B.C.
Vancouver Watch
U.S. President Donald Trump's decision to double steel and aluminum tariffs has created new uncertainty in B.C.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
CTV News
31 minutes ago
- CTV News
From bros to foes: How the unlikely Trump-Musk relationship imploded
Elon Musk, left, shakes hands with U.S. President Donald Trump at the finals for the NCAA wrestling championship, March 22, 2025, in Philadelphia. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke) WASHINGTON -- When Donald Trump met privately with White House officials on Wednesday, there was little to suggest that the U.S. president was close to a public break with Elon Musk, the billionaire businessman who helped him win a second term in office. Two White House officials familiar with the matter said Trump expressed confusion and frustration in the meeting about Musk's attacks on his sweeping tax and spending bill. But he held back, the officials said, because he wanted to preserve Musk's political and financial support ahead of the midterm elections. By Thursday afternoon, Trump's mood had shifted. He had not spoken to Musk since the attacks began and was fuming over what one White House aide described as a 'completely batshit' tirade by the Tesla CEO on X, his social media platform. Musk had blasted Trump's tax bill as fiscally reckless and a 'disgusting abomination.' He vowed to oppose any Republican lawmaker who supported it. The bill would fulfill many of Trump's priorities while adding, according to the Congressional Budget Office, US$2.4 trillion to the $36.2-trillion U.S. public debt. Privately, Trump had called Musk volatile. On Thursday, he told his team, it was time to take the gloves off. Sitting next to German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in the Oval Office, Trump told reporters he was 'very disappointed' in his former adviser. Musk quickly hit back on social media, and the back-and-forth devolved from there. 'The easiest way to save money in our budget, billions and billions of dollars, is to terminate Elon's government subsidies and contracts,' Trump posted on Truth Social, his social media site. Within minutes, Musk said it might be time to create a new political party and endorsed a post on X from Ian Miles Cheong, a prominent Musk supporter and right-wing activist, calling for Trump's impeachment. The Trump-Musk relationship at its height was unprecedented in Washington - a sitting president granting a billionaire tech CEO access and influence inside the White House and throughout his government. Musk spent nearly $300 million backing Trump's campaign and other Republicans last year. For months, Musk played both insider and disruptor - shaping policy conversations behind the scenes, amplifying Trump's agenda to millions online, and attacking the bureaucracy and federal spending through his self-styled Department of Government Efficiency. Just last week, Trump hosted a farewell for Musk and declared that 'Elon is really not leaving.' Now he had not only left but had turned into a top critic. Hours after Trump's Oval Office remarks, a third White House official expressed surprise at Musk's turnaround. It 'caught the president and the entire West Wing off guard,' she said. Musk did not respond to emails seeking comment about the downturn in relations. His super PAC spending group, America PAC, and spokeswoman Katie Miller did not respond to calls and texts requesting comment. In a statement, the White House called the breakup an 'unfortunate episode from Elon, who is unhappy with the One Big Beautiful Bill because it does not include the policies he wanted.' From allies to adversaries The Musk-Trump breakup sent Tesla's stock price plunging 14% on Thursday and drove uncertainty among Trump's allies in Congress, who are working to pass the monumental spending package that Democrats and a small number of vocal Republicans oppose. The breakup could reshape both men's futures. For Trump, losing Musk's backing threatens his growing influence among tech donors, social media audiences, and younger male voters — key groups that may now be harder to reach. It could also complicate fundraising ahead of next year's midterm elections. For Musk, the stakes are potentially even higher. The break risks intensified scrutiny of his business practices that could jeopardize government contracts and invite regulatory probes, which might threaten his companies' profits. Some of Musk's friends and associates were stunned by the fallout, with a number of them only recently expressing confidence that the partnership would endure, according to two other sources familiar with the dynamics. The split had been simmering for weeks, said the first two White House officials, but the breaking point was over personnel: Trump's decision to pull his nomination of Jared Isaacman, Musk's hand-picked candidate to be NASA administrator. 'He was not happy' about Isaacman, one of the White House officials said of Musk. Isaacman, a billionaire entrepreneur and close Musk ally, was seen as key to advancing Musk's vision for space exploration and commercial space ventures. After his nomination was scuttled, Isaacman posted on X: 'I am incredibly grateful to President Trump, the Senate and all those who supported me.' The move was viewed within the administration as a direct snub to Musk, the two officials said, signaling a loss of political clout and deepening the rift between him and Trump's team. Before the Isaacman episode, top White House aides behind the scenes had already begun limiting Musk's influence — quietly walking back his authority over staffing and budget decisions. Trump himself reinforced that message in early March, telling his cabinet that department secretaries, not Musk, had the final say over agency operations. At the same time, Musk began to hint that his time in government would come to a close, while expressing frustration at times that he could not more aggressively cut spending. His threats and complaints about Trump's bill grew louder, but inside the White House, few believed they would seriously alter the course of the legislation — even as some worried about the fallout on the midterms from Musk's warnings to cut political spending, the first two White House officials said. Still, a fourth White House official dismissed the impact of Musk's words on the president's signature bill. 'We're very confident,' he said. 'No one has changed their minds.' But there was bafflement at the White House at how a relationship that only last week had been celebrated in the Oval Office had taken such a turn. Time will tell whether the rift can be repaired. A separate White House official said aides had scheduled a call between the two men on Friday. The official did not give a time for the call. By Nandita Bose and Jeff Mason, Reuters
Globe and Mail
31 minutes ago
- Globe and Mail
Intuit offers to pay interest, penalties for Ontario families affected by TurboTax snafu
Intuit Inc. INTU-Q is offering to reimburse Ontario families affected by an issue with its TurboTax software for interest and penalties imposed by the Canada Revenue Agency. Many working parents with young children in Ontario say they face thousands of dollars in overdue taxes and interest after they incorrectly claimed the province's child care tax credit using TurboTax, in some cases for several years. In e-mails sent to affected customers this week, U.S.-based Intuit said it would cover the cost of interest and penalties as a 'gesture of good will,' even though the problem isn't related to a tax calculation error by its software. The company also reiterated a previous offer to reimburse users for the cost of the tax-filing program. 'We value our customers, and we have listened carefully to the concerns expressed,' Rick Heineman, vice-president of communications at Intuit, said via e-mail. But some users wonder whether accepting the money will affect their ability to participate in a proposed class-action lawsuit against Intuit and its Canadian subsidiary. Andrew Van Vroenhoven, of Whitby, Ont., said his family is being asked to repay around $21,000 in taxes and interest. He called Intuit's decision 'a step in the right direction.' But also said he would need more information before deciding whether to take Intuit up on its offer. Mr. Van Vroenhoven, who has three children under the age of 13, including one with a severe disability, also said he wasn't sure whether he and his wife could or should take the cash since they have applied for interest relief from the CRA. At the centre of the controversy is a counterintuitive set of prompts in a desktop version of the TurboTax software meant for advanced users. According to materials reviewed by The Globe, the program is designed to apply by default for the Ontario tax credit based on the income of the lower-earning parent. But the software does not also automatically account for the income of the second parent, which users must type in manually, if applicable. Without adding the earnings of a second eligible parent, a family can receive amounts of the Ontario child care tax credit to which they aren't entitled. Until recently, the program also failed to alert users to the possible, costly mistake. TurboTax usually highlights potential issues that require additional review before customers file their tax returns. But for tax years prior to 2024, the advanced desktop version of the program didn't flag their Ontario child tax credit claim even if the users' combined income was higher than the maximum eligible for the credit. The Ontario tax credit allows families with a household income of up to $150,000 to claim part of their annual child care expenses. Eligible recipients can get up to $6,000 for each child under the age of seven, up to $3,750 per older child up to the age of 16, and up to $8,250 for a child with a severe disability. Many TurboTax users in Ontario said they recently received reassessments from the CRA related to the tax credit, including thousands of dollars in interest on their tax debt. Intuit had previously declined requests to pay for users' interest and penalty charges, saying they didn't qualify under its accuracy guarantee policy, which only covers issues caused by calculation errors. Mr. Heineman reiterated on Thursday that the child credit issue does not fall under the terms of that guarantee. However, he said, Intuit had decided to reimburse affected customers 'in recognition of the inconvenience this situation may have caused.' The move comes after London, Ont.-based law firm Foreman & Company filed a proposed class action lawsuit against Intuit over the child credit issue in Toronto on May 5. 'The concern is that when a company like Intuit goes out directly to consumers with what is effectively a legal offer, something that affects their legal and practical rights, there can be a lot of confusion and a lack of clarity around what it means for their rights,' Jonathan Foreman, founder and partner at the firm, said. Mr. Heineman said Intuit won't ask customers who accept the reimbursement to sign any releases related to the proposed class action. However, he added, the goodwill offer 'is not an admission of any fault, error, or liability on the part of Intuit.'
Globe and Mail
31 minutes ago
- Globe and Mail
Canada can't solve its housing crisis without the provinces
Mike Moffatt is the founding director of the Missing Middle Initiative. Lisa Raitt is the co-chair of the Task Force for Housing and Climate and a former minister of transport, labour and natural resources. Canada is facing a housing crisis of historic proportions. To restore affordability, the country needs to build 5.8 million new homes by 2030. That means doubling the current rate of housing starts – an ambitious goal set by Prime Minister Mark Carney during the federal election campaign. It's a promise that will define his leadership, and one he'll be under intense pressure to deliver on. But no single order of government can solve Canada's housing crisis alone. While the federal government sets the tone and provides funding tools, the provinces hold many of the most important policy levers. If they don't act boldly, they risk becoming the bottleneck in Canada's efforts to boost supply, improve affordability and build housing that aligns with climate goals and can withstand extreme weather. The federal government has taken meaningful steps, including the promise to launch a Build Canada Homes entity and reinstate a 1970s-era tax incentive to spur rental apartment construction. It has also removed GST from new rental builds and made federal land available for housing. These are important changes – but their impact will be limited unless provinces get moving. In some provinces, we've seen positive momentum toward building density: British Columbia's reform allowing multiple units per lot and Ontario's recent relaxation of parking minimums are helpful steps. Inside the crisis facing Canada's dysfunctional housing market Tony Keller: Build, baby, build: Canada used to know how to do that Although both provinces have introduced reforms, these measures have been neutralized by skyrocketing development charges and sluggish approval timelines. As a result, housing starts in both provinces dropped more than 30 per cent in the first quarter of 2025 compared to the previous year. Municipalities, for their part, are largely 'creatures of the province,' and the decisions they make must be compliant with provincial regulations, such as Ontario's Development Charges Act. Some have begun to implement long-overdue zoning reforms. Some have acted independently, while others were encouraged to do so through the federal Housing Accelerator Fund. These initiatives show promise – but are frequently undermined by provincial inaction or contradictory policies. Fortunately, governments don't have to start from scratch. In 2024, the Task Force for Housing and Climate – composed of 15 housing and policy experts, including former Edmonton mayor Don Iveson and Mr. Carney (he's no longer a member) – published a comprehensive roadmap: Blueprint for More and Better Housing. It outlines more than 140 actionable recommendations across all levels of government to boost supply, deliver affordability, and build homes resilient to climate impacts. This year, the Task Force followed up with a report card grading federal and provincial governments on their performance. The federal government earned a B, praised for its recent initiatives but urged to improve transparency in programs like the Housing Accelerator and to launch a national hazard mapping initiative to prevent building in flood- and fire-prone areas. For the provinces, it's a different story. No province scored higher than a C+, with high fees, slow approvals and inconsistent reforms holding housing back. Among the provinces, Prince Edward Island earned among the highest marks for reforms that have boosted housing supply. However, the province still needs to do more to ensure new homes meet energy and climate-resilience standards. British Columbia introduced some of the country's boldest reforms, but its overall impact is undercut by rising municipal fees and glacial approval processes. Ontario, despite Premier Doug Ford's public opposition to fourplexes, has quietly legalized more density than most provinces and promised to launch a housing innovation fund. But volatile policymaking, persistent delays in the Greater Toronto Area, and the highest development charges in North America have led to low housing starts and, accordingly, a middling grade of C. If Canada is serious about tackling the housing crisis, now is the time for leadership, especially at the provincial level. We already know what works. The policy solutions are well understood and widely supported. What's missing is the political will to implement them. The housing crisis is not just a federal problem, or a municipal one. It is a national challenge – and solving it requires co-ordination and commitment from all three levels of government. The provinces hold many of the keys to housing, and need to act soon to help unlock supply.
