Qatar's Big LNG Bet Comes Up Against US Ambitions
Welcome to our guide to the commodities markets powering the global economy. Today, Middle East Energy Team Leader Rakteem Katakey looks at the future of the gas market as Qatar commits billions of dollars toward new production and exports.
During the opening day of the Qatar Economic Forum, Energy Minister Saad Al-Kaabi delivered a strong message: Natural gas is here to stay, and there's no dearth of buyers willing to lock in deals for years to come.
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In the long history of foreign influence in Washington, few countries have played the game with the same audacity as Qatar. Flush with natural gas wealth and unchecked ambition, this tiny Gulf monarchy has spent two decades embedding itself into the American system — buying influence across academia, media, and now the highest levels of government. With President Trump back in the White House, that investment is bearing fruit. One of the clearest and most brazen examples came in the form of the luxury jet, valued at over $400 million, reportedly offered as a gift to the Trump presidential library after his term ends. The timing and scale raised eyebrows even among seasoned diplomats. It was Pam Bondi, who served as a registered foreign agent for Qatar, who reviewed and approved the legal framework for the deal. This isn't just optics—it appears to be a bribe, wrapped in diplomatic niceties. And now that Trump is president again, the question of what Qatar expects in return is no longer theoretical. But the jet is only the beginning. In addition to the Attorney General, several key Trump allies have close financial or lobbying ties to Doha: Although Trump senior political adviser Susie Wiles never worked for Qatar, she worked at a firm that lobbied for its embassy. Kash Patel, a Trump national security insider, reportedly consulted for Qatar-linked interests. Steve Witkoff, a longtime Trump associate, sold his struggling Park Lane Hotel in 2023 to Qatar's sovereign wealth fund for $623 million. This isn't diplomacy — it's leverage, cultivated within a president's inner circle. This isn't about Trump. Qatar's influence campaign began long before his return to the White House. From 2001 to 2021, U.S. universities received $13 billion in foreign donations. Qatar alone contributed $4.7 billion, far more than any other country. Much of that went to Middle East studies programs, many accused of promoting anti-Israel narratives and enabling a rise in antisemitism on campuses. That influence has now spilled into Congress. Add the $256 million Qatar has spent on lobbying since 2016 — ranking it seventh globally — and a clearer picture emerges of a foreign government shaping U.S. policy through money and access. But it's not just how much Qatar spends — it's what it supports. Qatar is the chief financial backer of the Muslim Brotherhood, a radical Islamist group designated as a terrorist organization by Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. That backing helped trigger the 2017 Gulf blockade. It also remains the principal patron of Hamas, which murdered over 1,200 Israelis — mostly civilians — on Oct. 7, 2023. As the world recoiled, Hamas leaders living in luxury in Doha celebrated, untouched and unrepentant. Qatar has hosted Hamas leadership since at least 2012 while claiming neutrality. Then there's Al Jazeera, Qatar's state media empire. Its English-language service projects professionalism to Western audiences, but its Arabic broadcasts amplify Hamas propaganda, attack U.S. allies, and promote radicalism. Gulf states cited the network as a central reason for the 2017 rupture. Qatar also funded extremist groups during the Syrian civil war, fragmenting the opposition and radicalizing the conflict. Now, with a new regime in Damascus led by a former jihadist turned 'statesman,' Qatar is again positioning itself as a 'neutral broker.' It has lobbied for and helped alongside Saudi Arabia secure U.S. sanctions relief for 'new Syria.' The irony is stark: the same state that fueled the conflict now seeks to rehabilitate the forces it once empowered, cloaking ambition in diplomacy. Meanwhile, Qatar's ties to Iran — with whom it shares the world's largest natural gas field — have allowed it to serve as a go-between with Tehran. In practice, this 'diplomacy' has delayed pressure on Iran's nuclear program, giving it space to advance. Given Qatar's financial ties to Trump insiders such as Witkoff, one must ask: Whose interests are truly being served? Even more troubling are reports that leaks about potential Israeli strikes on Iran during Trump's first term may have come from officials linked to Qatar-friendly networks. Now, Trump's calls for Israeli restraint have prompted speculation in Jerusalem: Is Qatar's voice echoing from the White House? Qatar understands the American media environment, too. It has ramped up outreach to conservative outlets, including Fox News, knowing its influence over Trump supporters and Trump himself. Doha isn't betting on diplomacy, but on narrative control. The stakes are enormous. If a foreign regime with a record of backing terrorists and destabilizing allies can shape U.S. policy through money, media, and access, the question isn't whether Qatar is dangerous — it's whether we're still capable of recognizing foreign interference when it happens in plain sight. Trump's return to the Middle East last month was billed as a signal that America is open for business. But, in a region fluent in transactional politics, it may be read another way — that American favor is for sale. Igor Desyatnikov is a global macro fund manager and a graduate student in political science and international security at Harvard University with a focus on the post-Soviet space. He contributes to Geopolitical Monitor on foreign policy and security issues. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
