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Buried in a mountain and fortified against bombs: Inside Iran's secret Fordow nuclear site out of Israel's reach

Buried in a mountain and fortified against bombs: Inside Iran's secret Fordow nuclear site out of Israel's reach

Independent4 hours ago

Deep beneath the hills of central Iran, Tehran has ramped up its production of enriched uranium.
A recent report by the United Nations ' nuclear agency, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), said they were 'seriously concerned' about the 'significantly increased production and accumulation of highly enriched uranium'.
In 2018, as a deal brokered by Barack Obama that limited Iran's nuclear programme in exchange for sanctions relief was ended by Donald Trump, Tehran had just 150kg of uranium enriched to 3.6 per cent. That number has now soared to 409kg of uranium enriched to 60 per cent.
Iran could convert this uranium into hundreds of kilograms of 90 per cent enriched, weapons-grade uranium in just a matter of weeks, according to analysis by the Washington, DC-based Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS).
That is enough for nine nuclear weapons.
Iran operates more than 30 facilities around the country that carry out different steps of the nuclear fuel cycle, many of which have been hit by the latest Israeli strikes, aimed at neutralising Iran's possible nuclear threat.
But it is the most concerning of these plants, known as Fordow, that remains intact. It is buried deep underground and heavily fortified. It is also estimated to contain 2,700 centrifuges, vital for uranium enrichment.
Below, The Independent looks at what we know about the Fordow site on the outskirts of the city of Qom and why Israel is so concerned by it.
When was Fordow set up, and what is it?
Fordow is Iran's second nuclear enrichment facility after Natanz, its main facility. From above, all that can be seen are five tunnels disappearing into a group of mountains inside a wide security perimeter.
In addition to being an estimated 80 meters under rock and soil, the site is reportedly protected by Iranian and Russian surface-to-air missile systems, though Israel may have already struck these weapons.
Though Fordow is smaller than Natanz, it has always been the main object of international concerns regarding Iran's uranium-enrichment programme.
When Obama revealed the existence of the site in 2009, flanked by then French president Nicolas Sarkozy and British prime minister Gordon Brown, he described its size and configuration as 'inconsistent with a peaceful program'.
Iran had told the IAEA just days before of its desire to build a new fuel enrichment facility, but by that point, the site had been under construction for years. The IAEA says they have imagery showing construction as far back as 2002.
Why is it key to the Israel-Iran conflict?
It is no coincidence that the first Israeli missiles to hit Iran in this latest exchange came shortly after an IAEA report expressed 'serious concern' about Tehran's uranium-enrichment programme.
'The significantly increased production and accumulation of highly enriched uranium by Iran, the only non-nuclear-weapon state to produce such nuclear material, is of serious concern,' the IAEA said in a 31 May report.
Weeks later, Israel's ambassador to the United States, Yechiel Leiter, told Fox News that their entire aerial assault on Iran 'has to be completed with the elimination of Fordow'.
Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu believes Iran's uranium enrichment programme and the prospect of Tehran acquiring nuclear weapons poses an existential threat to Israel.
Several of Iran's other nuclear facilities have already been hit, including two centrifuge production facilities on Wednesday morning.
Dozens of Iranian officials and nuclear scientists have also been assassinated.
Can Fordow be destroyed?
Herein lies Israel's problem. Israel is one of the most heavily armed countries on the planet with some of the most sophisticated weapons. The air superiority it has established over Iran effectively gives the IDF free rein to bomb at will, but it lacks weapons that can penetrate a bunker as deep as Fordow.
In fact, experts believe there is only one weapon capable of damaging Fordow: the US-owned 30,000lb GBU-57/B Massive Ordinance Penetrator bomb.
Justin Bronk, a senior research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) and an expert in airpower, says the only means of destroying Fordow would be 'with multiple impacts into the same hole', using this US bomb.
What's more, it can only be delivered, says Mr Bronk, by the US B-2 Spirit stealth bomber. Any successful operation would 'rely on the weapons being delivered and functioning perfectly,' he adds.
So far, the US has not signalled an intentions to hit the nuclear site, and the Trump administration had been engaging Tehran in nuclear talks before Israel's latest attacks. However, the US president has not ruled a strike.
US officials told CBS News that Trump is considering whether to join Israel in its attacks to stop the possibility of Iran enriching uranium to weapons-grade levels.
Speaking aboard Air Force One, the US President was clear-eyed about his red line: 'Iran cannot have nuclear weapons. It's very simple.'
Iran's leader, Ali Khamenei, was equally forthright in his response. If the US get involved, Washington will face 'serious, irreparable consequences', he said.

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Trump dey reason make US join Israeli strikes on Iran?

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Deep in a bunker, Iran's supreme leader faces a dilemma: Must he drink his cup of poison?

Somewhere deep in a bunker, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is confronting the most momentous decision faced by any Iranian leader since the Revolution of 1979. One phrase sums up his dilemma – must he drink the 'cup of poison'? Four decades ago, he was a loyal follower of Ayatollah Khomeini, the previous supreme leader, who vowed never to relent in Iran's 'sacred' war against Saddam Hussein's Iraq. For years, Khomeini adamantly rejected any thought of compromise. Then, in July 1988, he realised that Iran could take no more and, in his words, drank the 'cup of poison' and allowed a truce. 'After accepting the ceasefire, he could no longer walk,' wrote Khomeini's son, Ahmad. 'He never again spoke in public.' Eleven months later, Khomeini was dead, and his quietly dependable lieutenant became his successor. Now Khamenei is brooding over his own 'cup of poison' – only this time the stakes are even higher. 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In the 1990s, he started building a clandestine uranium enrichment plant at Natanz, found in the Dasht-e-Kavir, the Great Salt Desert, about 200 miles south of Tehran. The plan was that Iranian scientists would master the whole process in total secrecy, leaving Khamenei free to decide whether to go the whole way and order them to produce weapons-grade uranium for a nuclear bomb. But the plot failed when Natanz was discovered and its existence announced to the world in 2002. Suddenly the regime came under huge international pressure to halt its enrichment programme. Khamenei's response was not just to defy these demands but to construct a second secret enrichment plant, hidden in a mountain at Fordow. Once again, the scheme failed when America and Britain jointly disclosed the existence of Fordow in 2009. Crippling economic sanctions were then imposed to compel Iran to stop enriching uranium. And still Khamenei pressed on, even as the world's richest countries set out to cripple the Iranian economy. His defiance was rewarded in 2015, when the US and its allies signed an agreement that allowed Iran to keep its enrichment capacity, albeit under tight restrictions and constant inspection. This was the deal scorned by Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, and destroyed by Mr Trump during his first term. Whereupon the Khamenei resumed expanding Iran's nuclear programme, amassing about 20,000 centrifuges and over eight tonnes of enriched uranium in the teeth of threats and pressure. Now, as bombs fall on Iran, probably destroying or disabling all the centrifuges at Natanz, every fibre of the Ayatollah's being will urge him to stand firm and give the same answer as before – that Iran will never relinquish its hard-won ability to enrich uranium. But one factor – and one alone – might force him to change his mind. 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The nuclear programme, designed to make the regime impregnable, has instead brought it to the edge. The terrorist groups that Iran sponsored to deter an Israeli attack – particularly Hizbollah in Lebanon – have instead been eviscerated. The resources squandered on that futile cause could have been used to strengthen Iran's air defences and prepare for this onslaught. Instead, Israeli jets are striking with impunity. And all around, Israeli intelligence has obviously penetrated every nook and cranny of Khamenei's regime. By his own folly, he has brought this fate upon himself. Now only one question remains – will he crack and drink the poison?

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