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B.C.‘s Buck Pierce, Edmonton's Mark Kilam to meet in their CFL head-coaching debuts

B.C.‘s Buck Pierce, Edmonton's Mark Kilam to meet in their CFL head-coaching debuts

Buck Pierce will make his CFL head-coaching debut in familiar surroundings.
Pierce begins his tenure as B.C.'s head coach Saturday night when the Lions host the Edmonton Elks. Pierce, 43, began his CFL career as a quarterback with the Lions (2005-09) — winning a Grey Cup in '06 — before finishing up as a player with the franchise in 2013.
Saturday's contest will also be Mark Kilam's first as Edmonton's head coach.
Pierce, 43, replaces Rick Campbell, who was fired following the Lions' 9-9 record and early playoff exit in a season Vancouver hosted the Grey Cup. Pierce arrived in B.C. following 10 seasons as an assistant with Winnipeg, helping the Blue Bombers make five straight Grey Cup appearances, winning in 2019 and 2021.
'We've got to continue to grow, continue to teach and we've got to make sure we're able to finish,' Pierce said following B.C.'s 20-19 exhibition loss to Edmonton on Friday night.
Kilam, 46, joined Edmonton after 20 seasons as an assistant with the Calgary, including three Grey Cup-winning teams. Kilam, of Lethbridge, Alta., played collegiately at Alberta (1997-2001) as a linebacker and was hired by the Elks after the Stampeders didn't retain him.
Edmonton (7-11) finished fourth in the West Division last season and last made the CFL post-season in 2019.
The '25 season will be one of change for Edmonton. Since Larry Thompson bought the franchise last August, it has added a new president/CEO (Chris Morris), vice-president of football operations/GM (Ed Hervey) and coaching staff.
'This is a fresh new vibe here,' Kilam said. 'There was a lot of roster turnover, there's been a lot of turnover in the admin side, obviously the coaching staff has been turned over.
'We're the new era of the Double E.'
Winnipeg's Mike O'Shea remains the CFL's longest-tenured head coach. The 54-year-old North Bay, Ont., native — twice the league's coach of the year — enters his 11th campaign on the Blue Bombers sidelines and looks to lead the franchise to a sixth straight Grey Cup appearance as this year's championship contest will be held at Princess Auto Stadium in November.
Winnipeg has become a model of consistency under O'Shea. After missing the playoffs with a combined 12-24 record during O'Shea's first two seasons, the Bombers have posted double-digit victories the last eight and four consecutive first-place finishes.
O'Shea, inducted into the Canadian Football Hall of Fame as a player in 2017, has a 107-69-0 regular-season record.
Toronto's Ryan Dinwiddie enters his fifth season with the club. The 44-year-old American has led Argonauts to two Grey Cups (2022, '24), compiling a 46-22 regular-season record.
Toronto has finished atop the East Division three times and posted double-digit victories the last three years under Dinwiddie, the CFL's 2023 coach of the year.
Scott Milanovich, 52, begins his second season as Hamilton's head coach/offensive co-ordinator. The Ticats (7-11) were fourth in East Division last year, missing the playoffs.
This marks Milanovich's seventh CFL regular season as a head coach, having spent time previously with Toronto (2012-16). He has a 50-58-0 regular-season record and was the CFL's coach of the year in 2012, the same year he led the Argos to victory in the 100th Grey Cup at Rogers Centre.
Bob Dyce enters his third full season as Ottawa's head coach. He led the Redblacks to 9-8-1 record and third in East Division for its first playoff appearance since 2018 before dropping a 58-38 semifinal decision to Toronto.
Dyce, 59, of Winnipeg, has a 17-31-1 record with Saskatchewan (3-6) and Ottawa (14-25-1). He won two Grey Cups as an assistant (2013 with Riders, 2016 with Redblacks).
Jason Maas, 52, embarks on his third season as Montreal's head coach. He led the Alouettes to a '23 Grey Cup title and tops in the East Division last season (CFL-best 12-5-1 record) before losing 30-28 to Toronto in the conference final.
Maas, the '24 CFL coach of the year, has a 62-45-1 head-coaching record having previously served with Edmonton (2016-19).
Dave Dickenson, 52, begins his second season as Calgary's GM and ninth as head coach. The Stampeders (5-12-1) missed the CFL playoffs for the first time since '04.
Dickenson has an 84-53-3 regular-season record and led Calgary to an '18 Grey Cup title.
Corey Mace, 39, of Port Moody, B.C., returns for a second season as Saskatchewan's head coach after guiding the Riders (9-8-1) to second in West Division. The club opened the playoffs downing B.C. 28-19 before losing 38-22 to Winnipeg in conference final.
Mace is a three-time Grey Cup champion as a defensive lineman (2014 with Calgary) and coach (assistant with Stamps in 2018, Toronto in 2022).
This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 2, 2025.

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Royal letters, famous golfers and rehearsed pitches: The tips and tricks to a successful Trump meeting
Royal letters, famous golfers and rehearsed pitches: The tips and tricks to a successful Trump meeting

Politico

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  • Politico

Royal letters, famous golfers and rehearsed pitches: The tips and tricks to a successful Trump meeting

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer came carrying a signed letter from the king. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa brought along two golf champs. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney repeatedly practiced his elevator pitch ahead of his Oval Office meeting On Thursday, it's German Chancellor Friedrich Merz's turn to meet with President Donald Trump. Ahead of his first White House visit, the German press has offered some unsolicited advice: lean into their shared affinity for golf. Numerous foreign leaders have invested heavily in the choreography of a face-to-face with the U.S. president. The meetings, which U.S. officials have downplayed as 'just another world leader coming to visit,' come with huge stakes at home and abroad for those leaders. How to handle a mercurial American president prone to ambushing his guests requires unique preparation. 'How to survive your Trump meeting,' as an American lobbyist who advises foreign governments calls it, has become a cottage industry for lobbyists, consultants and national security experts in Washington. That's according to interviews with a dozen government officials, diplomats and advisers. Most of these officials were granted anonymity to speak openly about how foreign governments manage Trump. Even Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and his team prepared assiduously, hearing from key Republicans on Capitol Hill what amounted to a 'Trump 101' crash course on how to engage with the president, according to three congressional staffers and two other people briefed on the matter. That now infamous meeting went off the rails anyway — exponentially increasing the anxiety of other world leaders about taking part in Trump's newest reality show, an unscripted Oval Office get-to-know-you session featuring several Cabinet officials and playing out live before the White House press corps and broadcast instantly around the world. The Zelenskyy meeting 'was a real 'oh shit' moment for other leaders,' said one senior U.S. congressional aide familiar with the planning that went into that meeting. 'They saw this public gauntlet they'd have to run. How do I avoid the Dumpster fire Zelenskyy fell into?' Managing Trump is nothing new for foreign leaders who saw how the U.S. president operated during his first term. But the efforts to coddle a lifelong public performer, who can shift quickly from charming to contentious, have intensified since Trump took office for the second time in January, noticeably more confident and far less restrained in his approach to the job. 'What Zelenskyy went through was a huge lesson learned for other world leaders. Without a doubt, everyone's been studying that really closely,' said another American who engages with the Ukrainian government on how to manage U.S. ties. Japan's new prime minister, Shigeru Ishiba, the second head of state invited to the White House after Trump's inauguration, prepared for his early February visit by studying graphics showing Japan as the top foreign investor in the U.S. and brainstorming with aides about what demands Trump might make, Ishiba's aides said at the time. When asked by reporters during his Oval Office sit-down what he thought of the president, Ishiba said, through a translator, that Trump's television career made him 'intimidating' but that he was 'powerful' and 'sincere' in person. Carney, whose condemnations of Trump's bullying '51st State' rhetoric propelled his Liberal coalition to an unlikely electoral victory this spring, spoke with several official and informal advisers in the run-up to his post-election White House visit in early May. One person who spoke with the prime minister, granted anonymity to discuss the private conversation, said they counseled him to distill his message into a couple clear phrases and repeat them as needed. 'With Trump, you want to make sure there is one core sentence, even two to three core sentences you are going to find a way to get out no matter what,' the person who advised Carney continued. 'And you don't need to talk that much. Let him speak.' Carney followed the advice, emphasizing that Canada was 'not for sale' but that the two countries were 'stronger when they work together.' It proved effective in lowering the temperature: Trump complimented Carney's initial statement and, shortly after the prime minister left the White House, described the conversation as a 'great meeting' with 'no tension.' The person said they gave the same advice to Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre before his White House visit in late April.'The reason the Zelenskyy meeting went so badly was Zelenskyy was trying to spar like an equal,' they said. 'That is not allowed in the meeting.' The risk of entering Trump's lion's den can be worth the reward for world leaders. Trump pared back his musings of acquiring Canada as a 51st state after the meeting with Carney. Finnish President Alexander Stubb, who traveled to Mar-a-Lago in late March just to play a round of golf with Trump, later convinced the U.S. president to reverse a decision on building icebreakers and purchase those ships from Finland. 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What ‘China shock'? Trade didn't wreck the U.S. economy
What ‘China shock'? Trade didn't wreck the U.S. economy

Los Angeles Times

time5 minutes ago

  • Los Angeles Times

What ‘China shock'? Trade didn't wreck the U.S. economy

When Donald Trump first campaigned in 2016, he capitalized on a potent narrative: that China's rise gutted American manufacturing, leaving countless blue-collar communities devastated. Known now as the 'China shock,' that idea paved the way for a dramatic resurgence in protectionism, culminating in sweeping tariffs including Trump's controversial 'Liberation Day' duties. Yet we continue to learn just how shaky the theory's foundations are. Pioneered by economists David Autor, David Dorn and Gordon Hanson, the China shock trope suggests that American regions heavily exposed to Chinese imports suffered significantly greater job losses than did less-exposed areas. Populists seized upon it to argue that China's 2001 accession to the World Trade Organization caused millions of job losses in the U.S. and social disintegration. But a theory's easy and outsized application to policy does not settle questions about its accuracy. That's what American Enterprise Institute scholar Scott Winship wanted to determine in a recent comprehensive review that set out to prove whether the China shock reduced American manufacturing employment. By examining alternative studies and methodological adjustments, Winship contends that the negative effects of trade with China have been significantly exaggerated and that populist narratives blaming this trade for U.S. economic decline aren't supported by rigorous evidence. The originators of China shock examined how Chinese imports affected certain U.S. locales compared with others — not with the entire country — based on initial industry composition and employment size. By these metrics, areas heavily exposed to Chinese imports showed disproportionately worse manufacturing job losses. However, Winship points out that even if we accept these estimates, the findings suggest only relatively modest employment effects. To put things in perspective, Winship gives the example of two hypothetical commuting zones with 200,000 working-age residents and 20,000 manufacturing workers. Data from the theory's proponents indicate that moving from low (10th percentile) to high (90th percentile) exposure to Chinese imports would result in a loss of roughly 2,700 manufacturing jobs — just a 1.4 percentage point drop in overall manufacturing employment. While significant, this does not convincingly explain the community decline, social disruption, and populist backlash often blamed specifically on Chinese trade. In addition, Winship flags multiple methodological issues. Once other economists revised the proponents' methods, the estimated negative impact shrank dramatically. Various follow-up studies found the China shock effect on manufacturing employment to be 50% smaller than initially claimed. Further research revealed that job losses in exposed areas were often offset or even outweighed by employment gains in other sectors. One detailed Census Bureau study even found that firms with greater Chinese import exposure increased manufacturing employment, reallocating jobs to more efficient domestic production lines enabled by cheaper imports. Moreover, the steady decline in U.S. manufacturing employment began decades before China's WTO entry. Between the late 1970s and 2000, factory employment had already decreased substantially, mostly because of technological advances and shifting consumer demand. Notably, there was no sudden acceleration of this decline after China joined the WTO. The rate of manufacturing job losses remained consistent with earlier trends, undermining claims that Chinese trade uniquely devastated American manufacturing. Furthermore, former manufacturing workers generally did not face permanent unemployment. In fact, unemployment rates among this group were lower in recent years compared to the late 1990s, before the peak of Chinese imports. Many workers transitioned successfully into other sectors, belying the notion of an enduring displacement crisis. It's also worth noting that there are around a half of a million unfilled manufacturing jobs today. Despite these realities, the exaggerated narrative persists as a political force. Trump's tariffs — taxes on American consumers raising prices on everyday goods from cars to clothing — have greatly increased economic uncertainty. American manufacturers reliant on imported components face higher input costs, dampening their competitiveness and causing unintended layoffs. In fact, evidence from Trump's first term showed that his tariffs often hurt American firms more than their foreign competitors. With broader and higher tariffs, we can only fear the worst. Instead of doubling down on tariffs and isolation, we need to empower U.S. workers to adapt to economic changes, whether caused by trade or economic downturn. Economists have shown that to the extent that workers sometimes don't recover from shocks, it tends to be a failure to adjust because of obstacles erected by government. Winship's critical reassessment of the China shock clarifies the actual, limited role Chinese imports have played in manufacturing-employment trends. The real 'shock' America faces in 2025 is not from Chinese imports, but from a resurgence of misguided protectionism based on a misdiagnosed problem. The path forward harnesses trade's real benefits rather than chasing economic illusions. Veronique de Rugy is a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. This article was produced in collaboration with Creators Syndicate.

Trump directs DOJ, White House counsel to investigate Biden's mental state in office

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Trump directs DOJ, White House counsel to investigate Biden's mental state in office

President Donald Trump ordered Attorney General Pam Bondi to investigate whether former President Joe Biden's administration sought to conspire to cover up his mental state while in office, prompting a response from Biden. "Let me be clear: I made the decisions during my presidency," Biden said in a statement. "I made the decisions about the pardons, executive orders, legislation, and proclamations. Any suggestion that I didn't is ridiculous and false." The move by the White House represents a significant escalation from the White House, as it is a directive to the Justice Department to formally investigate. It goes beyond the review into Biden's last-minute pardons before leaving office Biden responded to Trump's memo to Bondi and the Department of Justice, calling an investigation "nothing more than a mere distraction" and defending his decision-making ability. In a statement he says any suggestion he was not in control is "ridiculous and false." "This is nothing more than a distraction by Donald Trump and Congressional Republicans who are working to push disastrous legislation that would cut essential programs like Medicaid and raise costs on American families, all to pay for tax breaks for the ultra-wealthy and big corporations," Biden said in a statement sent to ABC News. The president directed the U.S.'s top law enforcement official, in coordination with his White House counsel, to investigate "the circumstances surrounding Biden's supposed execution of numerous executive actions during his final years in office," according to a statement from the White House.

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