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She could upend Trump's 'one big beautiful' bill: Who is Senate official Elizabeth MacDonough?

She could upend Trump's 'one big beautiful' bill: Who is Senate official Elizabeth MacDonough?

First Post4 hours ago

An obscure but powerful Senate official is suddenly in the spotlight. Elizabeth MacDonough, the parliamentarian, has just ruled against several Republican provisions in Trump's signature bill. Now, a few Republicans want her gone. But who is MacDonough, and why does her word matter so much in Washington, DC? read more
Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough watches during the certification of Electoral College ballots in the presidential election, in the House chamber at the Capitol in Washington, DC, US, January 6, 2021. File Image/AP
In a dramatic turn that has disrupted Republican plans to fast-track Donald Trump's ambitious tax and immigration legislation, Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough has emerged as an unexpected yet pivotal figure in American lawmaking.
A career nonpartisan official whose rulings carry weight but whose name is rarely in headlines, Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough decision to block multiple provisions from the GOP-backed reconciliation bill has resulted in calls for her dismissal by Republicans.
MacDonough's moves have disrupted Republican plans to fast-track Donald Trump's ambitious tax and immigration legislation dubbed the 'One Big Beautiful Bill Act'.
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Why Republicans are targeting MacDonough
The Republican Party's legislative strategy hinges on the use of reconciliation — a parliamentary process that allows legislation with budgetary consequences to pass with a simple majority, bypassing the filibuster and the 60-vote threshold normally required in the Senate.
But the Byrd Rule, which governs reconciliation, prohibits the inclusion of provisions whose budgetary impact is considered incidental or peripheral.
This is where MacDonough's rulings become decisive. Last Thursday, MacDonough ruled that several provisions within the GOP's sprawling domestic package could not proceed under reconciliation.
The blocked elements included cuts to Medicaid and Medicare coverage for undocumented immigrants, prohibitions on federal funds being used for transgender healthcare and efforts to restrict state-level 'provider taxes,' which states use to increase federal Medicaid contributions.
These rulings could remove as much as $250 billion in projected savings from the bill — dealing a serious blow to Trump's legislative priorities and sending Senate Republicans scrambling to rework the proposals.
Her decision immediately triggered a political backlash from within the Republican ranks, especially from those already sceptical of Washington institutions.
How Republicans are calling for MacDonough's dismissal
US Senator Tommy Tuberville of Alabama, who is preparing for a gubernatorial run, wrote on X, 'Unelected bureaucrats think they know better than U.S. Congressmen who are elected BY THE PEOPLE.' He demanded that MacDonough be fired 'ASAP.'
US Representative Greg Steube of Florida echoed this sentiment, questioning why a 'swamp bureaucrat' appointed more than a decade ago should be able to determine the contents of a bill that affects national policy.
Similarly, US Senator Roger Marshall of Kansas suggested that MacDonough's rulings show a political bias, stating, 'I think her rulings very much would look like, politically, that she's leaning to the left.'
He added that the parliamentarian 'doesn't answer to anybody' and advocated for term limits on the position.
In the House, several members also urged the Senate to overrule her. US Representative Keith Self of Texas wrote, 'The rogue Senate Parliamentarian should be overruled, just like activist judges,' while US Representative Dan Crenshaw, also from Texas, insisted that this was 'a hill we should fight for.'
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Despite this rising criticism, top Senate Republicans signalled they were not inclined to take the drastic step of ignoring or removing her.
US Senate Majority Leader John Thune rejected the idea of invoking the so-called 'nuclear option' to override the parliamentarian's judgment, a move that would fundamentally alter Senate procedures.
'We're doing the usual process of trying to figure out how to achieve the same goal without having to go there,' said US Senator John Cornyn of Texas.
What the US Senate parliamentarian's role entails
The office of the Senate parliamentarian was created in 1935 to help maintain order and provide expertise on the chamber's complicated rules and precedents.
Although the position operates largely behind the scenes, the parliamentarian's guidance on what legislative language can be included in bills — especially those moved under reconciliation — can effectively shape the fate of major political agendas.
The parliamentarian's advice is nonbinding, but it is almost always respected by the presiding officer and senators alike.
In reconciliation matters, their interpretation of the Byrd Rule determines whether specific provisions meet the budgetary threshold or are deemed to be extraneous.
If a provision fails to qualify under this rule, it must be removed unless the presiding officer chooses to ignore the ruling — something that is rare and institutionally discouraged.
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While the presiding officer of the Senate technically makes the final rulings, the parliamentarian's recommendations carry such weight that they are often treated as de facto decisions.
Michael Thorning, director of structural democracy at the Bipartisan Policy Center, noted that lawmakers across the political spectrum see MacDonough as 'very much an honest broker,' saying, 'Sometimes, those decisions cut your way, and sometimes, they don't.'
What we know about MacDonough's time in the US Senate
Although she is currently facing fire from Republicans, MacDonough is no stranger to criticism from both sides of the aisle.
In 2021, she rejected two major Democratic proposals — first by ruling against including a $15 federal minimum wage in the COVID-19 relief bill, and then by advising Democrats to drop a provision in their climate package that would have allowed millions of undocumented immigrants to stay in the country temporarily.
Her earlier rulings also played a central role in the 2017 Republican attempt to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act. She determined that several key parts of the proposed legislation were more about setting policy than adjusting the federal budget and therefore did not qualify for reconciliation.
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However, she did approve the GOP's move to reduce the ACA's individual mandate tax penalty to zero, freeing up hundreds of billions of dollars for additional tax cuts in the party's larger overhaul.
In both cases, her judgments upended months of work by the majority party, causing frustration and occasionally sparking calls for her removal.
But most lawmakers, even those who disagree with her decisions, recognise the institutional value of her office. 'It's the institutional integrity, even if I'm convinced 100% she's wrong,' said US Senator Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.).
How MacDonough got to the US Senate
MacDonough's path to one of the Senate's most powerful behind-the-scenes positions was unconventional. A former English literature major, she started her career in the Senate library before earning a law degree from Vermont Law School.
She worked as a trial attorney for the US Department of Justice before returning to Capitol Hill in 1999 as an assistant in the parliamentarian's office.
She was appointed Senate Parliamentarian in 2012 by then-Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.), becoming the first woman ever to hold the role.
She retained the position through subsequent changes in party leadership, including under Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), and now under Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.).
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Over the years, she has been involved in some of the most critical moments in recent Senate history. During Donald Trump's impeachment trials, MacDonough was a central figure assisting US Chief Justice John Roberts and later US Senator Patrick Leahy as they presided.
On January 6, 2021, as rioters stormed the US Capitol, she and her staff secured the mahogany boxes containing Electoral College votes, moving them to safety and ensuring that the certification process could continue later that night.
Her office, located on the Capitol's first floor, was later found ransacked and declared a crime scene.
Her deep institutional knowledge and legal training make her well-suited to the role, but that hasn't shielded her from political attacks.
Nonetheless, her predecessors warn against interpreting her judgments as partisan. Alan Frumin, who held the office before MacDonough, once said the limited number of calls for her firing 'tells you all people need to know about the current parliamentarian.'
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Can MacDonough's decisions be overruled?
Technically, yes. The presiding officer of the Senate may choose to ignore the parliamentarian's recommendation, and the full Senate can vote to sustain or reject that decision.
However, this approach is extremely rare and carries the risk of undermining the chamber's institutional credibility. In 2017, US Senator Ted Cruz argued that then-US Vice President Mike Pence could have disregarded MacDonough's advice on repealing the Affordable Care Act.
But other Republicans refused to support the move, seeing it as a backdoor attempt to weaken the Senate's longstanding filibuster rule.
The last time a parliamentarian was fired over such a dispute was in 2001, when then-Majority Leader Trent Lott dismissed Robert Dove amid disagreements over reconciliation rulings.
Since then, the office has generally enjoyed a reputation for nonpartisan professionalism, even as its rulings have occasionally derailed landmark legislative initiatives.
Thorning warned that dismissing MacDonough would come at a high cost. 'Once you start treating the parliamentarian's advice as just something that could be easily dismissed, then the rules start to matter less,' he said.
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Initially, the Truman administration resisted intervention. But President Dwight D Eisenhower's election ushered in a more aggressive Cold War posture. 'Under the Truman administration, these boundaries [of acceptable Iranian politics] were drawn rather broadly,' Gasiorowski wrote. 'But when Eisenhower entered office, the more stridently anti-Communist views of his foreign policy advisers led the US to drop its support for Mossadegh and take steps to overthrow him.' Fear of communism's spread, particularly via Iran's Tudeh Party, believed to be the first organised Communist party in the Middle East. 'Although they did not regard Mossadegh as a Communist,' Gasiorowski wrote, 'they believed conditions in Iran would probably continue to deteriorate… strengthening the Tudeh Party and perhaps enabling it to seize power.' While Britain lobbied for a coup, Mossadegh appealed directly to Eisenhower. Eisenhower, in a letter in June 1953, offered sympathy but warned that aid was unlikely so long as Iran withheld oil: 'There is a strong feeling… that it would not be fair to the American taxpayers for the United States Government to extend any considerable amount of economic aid to Iran so long as Iran could have access to funds derived from the sale of its oil.' Mossadegh's response was blunt. He accused Britain of sabotaging Iran's economy through 'propaganda and diplomacy,' and warned that inaction could carry lasting consequences: 'If prompt and effective aid is not given to this country now, any steps that might be taken tomorrow… might well be too late,' he wrote. Weeks later, in August 1953, the CIA and Britain's MI6 launched a covert operation to oust Mossadegh and restore the Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, to power. 'A decision was made to develop and carry out a plan to overthrow Mussadiq and install Zahedi as prime minister,' Gasiorowski wrote. 'The operation was to be led by Kermit Roosevelt, who headed the CIA's Middle East operations division.' The mission, code-named Operation Ajax, used anti-Mossadegh propaganda, bribes, and orchestrated street unrest. After an initial failure and the Shah's brief exile, loyalist military units staged a successful coup on August 19. Mossadegh was arrested, tried, and placed under house arrest until his death in 1967. In 2013, the CIA officially acknowledged its role, releasing declassified documents that described the coup as 'an act of U.S. foreign policy, conceived and approved at the highest levels of government.' In Iran, schoolchildren learn about the 1953 coup in classrooms. State media airs annual retrospectives on Mossadegh's downfall. His name recurs in graffiti, political speeches, and university lectures. In his book The Coup: 1953, the CIA, and the Roots of Modern U.S.-Iranian Relations, the historian Ervand Abrahamian called the operation 'a defining fault line not only for Iranian history but also in the country's relations with both Britain and the United States.' It 'carved in public memory a clear dividing line — 'before' and 'after' — that still shapes the country's political culture,' he wrote. While Cold War defenders portrayed the coup as a check on communism, Abrahamian sees oil and empire as the true motivators. 'The main concern was not so much about communism as about the dangerous repercussions that oil nationalisation could have throughout the world,' he argues. Following the coup, the Shah ruled with increasing autocracy, supported by the US and bolstered by SAVAK (Sazeman-e Ettela'at va Amniyat-e Keshvar), a secret police trained by the CIA. Decades of repression, inequality, and corruption gave way to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, which toppled the monarchy and established the Islamic Republic. 'The strategic considerations that led US policymakers to undertake the 1953 coup helped set in motion a chain of events that later destroyed the Shah's regime and created severe problems for US interests,' wrote Gasiorowski. On November 4, 1979, the US Embassy in Tehran was seized. Fifty-two Americans were held hostage for 444 days. Revolutionaries repeatedly cited 1953 as the origin of their mistrust. Though Washington denied involvement for decades, few Iranians ever doubted the CIA's role in Mossadegh's fall. 'The coup revealed how the United States began almost instinctively to follow in the footsteps of British imperialism,' write David W Lesch and Mark L Haas editors of The Middle East and the United States: History, Politics, and Ideologies . 'Demonstrating a preference for the status quo rather than the forces of change.' Even President Barack Obama, in a 2009 speech in Cairo, acknowledged the long shadow of 1953, noting that the coup had created 'years of mistrust.' No US president has ever issued a formal apology. Dr Omair Anas, director of research at the Centre for Studies of Plural Societies, a non-profit, non-partisan, independent institution dedicated to democratising knowledge, sees the 1953 events as not just a turning point but a template for today's impasse. 'The 1953 coup was staged in the backdrop of the Cold War which resulted in Iran's inclusion into the CENTO alliance along with Pakistan and Turkiye,' he said. He is sharply critical of current regime change rhetoric, describing it as detached from Iran's internal political conditions. 'The most important player is Iran's domestic politics,' he said. 'At this stage, it is not willing and prepared for a regime change.' Anas points out that the government has already absorbed considerable dissent: 'Previous anti-hijab protests have already accommodated many anti-regime voices and sentiments.' But absorbing discontent, he suggests, is not the same as welcoming systemic change. 'Any regime change at this stage would immediately lead the country to chaos and possible civil war, as the new regime won't be able to de-Islamise the state in the near future.' Trump's rhetoric, therefore, landed with particular resonance. While senior officials have attempted to distance the administration from talk of regime change, many in Iran and beyond see a familiar playbook: pressure, provocation, and the threat of externally imposed political outcomes. Dr Anas contends that many of the so-called alternatives to the Islamic Republic are politically inert. 'Anti-regime forces since 1979 have lost much ground and haven't been able to stage a major threat to the revolution,' he said. 'The West is fully aware that the Pahlavi dynasty or the Mujahidin-e-Khalq (MEK) have the least popularity and organisational presence to replace the Khamenei-led regime of Islamic revolution.' As he sees it, the system's survival is not merely a matter of repression but of strategic logic. 'Khamenei can only be replaced by someone like him,' he said. 'The continuity of the Islamic revolution of Iran remains more preferable than any other disruptive replacement.' He also warns that a forced collapse of the current order could have serious regional implications. 'In the case of violent suppression of Islamist forces, the new Iranian state might seek the revival of the Cold War collaboration with Pakistan and Turkiye and a strong push against Russia.' For India, a country that has generally maintained a policy of non-intervention, such a development could be deeply destabilising. 'Any abrupt change would complicate India's West Asia and South Asia strategic calculus,' he said, 'and more fundamentally India's Pakistan strategy.' Dr Anas also sees Western credibility as severely eroded across the region. 'The West has left no credibility whatsoever about human rights, freedom, and democracy after the Israeli-Gaza war,' he said. 'The Middle Eastern public opinion, including that of Kurds, Druze and Afghans, have lost hope in Western promises. They prefer any autocratic regime to West-backed regimes.' India, he said, risks being caught flat-footed if political transitions come suddenly. 'India generally stays away from the normative politics of the Middle East,' he said. 'While this shows India's principled stand on no intervention in internal politics, it also puts India in a weak position once the regime changes, as happened in Syria.' His recommendation? 'India needs to engage more actively with West Asian civil society to have more balanced relations beyond states.' Aishwarya Khosla is a journalist currently serving as Deputy Copy Editor at The Indian Express. Her writings examine the interplay of culture, identity, and politics. She began her career at the Hindustan Times, where she covered books, theatre, culture, and the Punjabi diaspora. Her editorial expertise spans the Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Punjab and Online desks. She was the recipient of the The Nehru Fellowship in Politics and Elections, where she studied political campaigns, policy research, political strategy and communications for a year. She pens The Indian Express newsletter, Meanwhile, Back Home. Write to her at or You can follow her on Instagram: @ink_and_ideology, and X: @KhoslaAishwarya. ... Read More

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