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Why some key Tehran allies have stayed out of the Israel-Iran conflict

Why some key Tehran allies have stayed out of the Israel-Iran conflict

BEIRUT (AP) — Hezbollah has long been considered Iran's first line of defense in case of a war with Israel. But since Israel launched its massive barrage against Iran, triggering the ongoing Israel-Iran war, the Lebanese militant group has stayed out of the fray — even after the U.S. entered the conflict Sunday with strikes on Iranian nuclear sites.
A network of powerful Iran-backed militias in Iraq has also remained mostly quiet.
Domestic political concerns, as well as tough losses suffered in nearly two years of regional conflicts and upheavals, appear to have led these Iran allies to take a back seat in the latest round convulsing the region.
'Despite all the restraining factors, wild cards remain,' said Tamer Badawi, an associate fellow with the Germany-based think tank Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient.
That's especially true after the U.S. stepped in with strikes on three nuclear facilities in Iran.
The 'Axis of Resistance'
Hezbollah was formed with Iranian support in the early 1980s as a guerilla force fighting against Israel's occupation of southern Lebanon at the time.
The militant group helped push Israel out of Lebanon and built its arsenal over the ensuing decades, becoming a powerful regional force and the centerpiece of a cluster of Iranian-backed factions and governments known as the ' Axis of Resistance.'
The allies also include Iraqi Shiite militias and Yemen's Houthi rebels, as well as the Palestinian militant group Hamas.
At one point, Hezbollah was believed to have some 150,000 rockets and missiles, and the group's former leader, Hassan Nasrallah once boasted of having 100,000 fighters.
Seeking to aid its ally Hamas in the aftermath of the Palestinian militants' Oct. 7, 2023 attack on southern Israel and Israel's offensive in Gaza, Hezbollah began launching rockets across the border.
That drew Israeli airstrikes and shelling, and the exchanges escalated into full-scale war last September. Israel inflicted heavy damage on Hezbollah, killing Nasrallah and other top leaders and destroying much of its arsenal, before a U.S.-negotiated ceasefire halted that conflict last November. Israel continues to occupy parts of southern Lebanon and to carry out near-daily airstrikes.
For their part, the Iraqi militias occasionally struck bases housing U.S. troops in Iraq and Syria, while Yemen's Houthis fired at vessels in the Red Sea, a crucial global trade route, and began targeting Israel.
Keeping an ambiguous stance
Hezbollah has condemned Israel's attacks but did not immediately comment on the U.S. strikes on Iran. Just days before the U.S. attack, Hezbollah leader Naim Kassem said in a statement that the group 'will act as we deem appropriate in the face of this brutal Israeli-American aggression.'
Lebanese government officials have pressed the group to stay out of the conflict, saying that Lebanon cannot handle another damaging war, and U.S. envoy Tom Barrack, who visited Lebanon last week, said it would be a 'very bad decision' for Hezbollah to get involved.
Iraq's Kataib Hezbollah militia — a separate group from Hezbollah — had said prior to the U.S. attack that it will directly target U.S. interests and bases spread throughout the region if Washington gets involved. The group has also remained silent since Sunday's strikes.
The Houthis last month reached an agreement with Washington to stop attacks on U.S. vessels in the Red Sea in exchange for the U.S. halting its strikes on Yemen, but the group threatened to resume its attacks if Washington entered the Iran-Israel war.
In a statement on Sunday, the Houthis' political bureau described the U.S. attack on Iran as a 'grave escalation that poses a direct threat to regional and international security and peace.' The Houthis did not immediately launch strikes.
Reasons to stay on the sidelines
Hezbollah was weakened by last year's fighting and after losing a major supply route for Iranian weapons with the fall of Syrian President Bashar Assad, a key ally, in a lightning rebel offensive in December.
'Hezbollah has been degraded on the strategic level while cut off from supply chains in Syria,' said Andreas Krieg, a military analyst and associate professor at King's College London.
Still, Qassem Qassir, a Lebanese analyst close to Hezbollah, said a role for the militant group in the Israel-Iran conflict should not be ruled out.
'The battle is still in its early stages,' he said. 'Even Iran hasn't bombed American bases (in response to the U.S. strikes), but rather bombed Israel.'
He said that both the Houthis and the Iraqi militias 'lack the strategic deep strike capability against Israel that Hezbollah once had.'
Renad Mansour, a senior research fellow at the Chatham House think tank in London, said Iraq's Iran-allied militias have all along tried to avoid pulling their country into a major conflict.
Unlike Hezbollah, whose military wing has operated as a non-state actor in Lebanon — although its political wing is part of the government — the main Iraqi militias are members of a coalition of groups that are officially part of the state defense forces.
'Things in Iraq are good for them right now, they're connected to the state — they're benefitting politically, economically,' Mansour said. 'And also they've seen what's happened to Iran, to Hezbollah and they're concerned that Israel will turn on them as well.'
Badawi said that for now, the armed groups may be lying low because 'Iran likely wants these groups to stay intact and operational.'
'But if Iran suffers insurmountable losses or if the Supreme Leader (Ayatollah Ali Khamenei) is assassinated, those could act as triggers,' he said.

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Support local journalists and the next generation of journalists. Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword. SUBSCRIBE TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Unlimited online access to articles from across Canada with one account. Get exclusive access to the Toronto Sun ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition that you can share, download and comment on. Enjoy insights and behind-the-scenes analysis from our award-winning journalists. Support local journalists and the next generation of journalists. Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword. REGISTER / SIGN IN TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account. Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments. Enjoy additional articles per month. Get email updates from your favourite authors. THIS ARTICLE IS FREE TO READ REGISTER TO UNLOCK. Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments Enjoy additional articles per month Get email updates from your favourite authors Don't have an account? Create Account This is not just another flare-up in the Middle East. It's a convergence of egos, extremism, and political self-preservation that has hijacked the futures of two nations and risks igniting a global catastrophe. Both men face internal crises. Khamenei presides over a theocratic regime in terminal decline — haunted by economic collapse, human rights atrocities, and public uprisings like the Women, Life, Freedom movement. Netanyahu, once the symbol of Israeli security, is now best known for gutting Israel's democracy from within. His recent push to neutralize the judiciary, documented in investigations like The Bibi Files, was seen by many Israelis as a ploy to avoid his own corruption trial. The result? Massive protests, fractured institutions, and a prime minister willing to wage war as a political survival tactic. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. While the headlines say 'Israel vs. Iran,' the truth is more sinister: This is not a war between nations or cultures. It's a war between two corrupt regimes, each led by men who have demonstrated they will risk everything to cling to power — even if it means aligning themselves with the most extreme, bloodthirsty elements of their countries. To feed their egos and preserve their grip on power, they have found no better allies than their own radicals. And the world is watching it unfold like a spectator sport. Canada, however, does not have the luxury of silence. Why Canada? Why Now? 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Public broadcasters like the CBC should acquire and air investigative content such as The Bibi Files — a documentary premiered at our own TIFF that unpacks Bibi's corruption and systematic dismantling of Israel's democratic institutions. Equally important, we must teach our youth that peace and harmony between Israelis and Iranians is not only possible — but historically rooted and deeply desired by the overwhelming majority of both peoples. From the ancient legacy of Cyrus the Great — revered by Jews as a liberator and protector — to today's multicultural reality in Canada, we have every reason to believe that coexistence is not a dream, but a shared memory waiting to be revived. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Second, we must protect Canadians. Immigration policy must be leveraged first and foremost to serve the needs of Canadians — especially those with loved ones in crisis zones. For Iranian-Canadian families, this means offering expedited visa processing and emergency pathways for relatives trapped in an increasingly volatile environment. But this must be done with vigilance. The Iranian regime has a documented history of targeting dissidents abroad, including here in Canada. Such measures must be accompanied by the highest level of security screening — ensuring that the generosity of our immigration system does not become a backdoor for foreign operatives intent on surveillance, infiltration, or intimidation. Compassion cannot come at the cost of national safety. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Third, we must prepare. The illusion that Canada is safe by geography is long gone. If the war between Netanyahu and Khamenei escalates, the fallout — cyber, economic, or otherwise — won't respect borders. Canada must meet and exceed its NATO commitments, but not by mimicking American militarism. 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Second, Canada must lead the shift toward a new legal order — one that closes the gap between law and enforceability. The 20th century gave us the framework of international law. The 21st must give us the tools to make it matter. Law without enforcement is not justice — it's a soundbite. Canada, leveraging its G7 presidency and global reputation as a rule-of-law nation, must work to refine and expand initiatives like the RN2V, and put forward a modernized framework for international law — one grounded in the lessons of the last century and built for the crises of this one. That work must begin by proposing a doctrine to define and confront what we might call crisis-triggered impunity — the calculated abuse of war, terrorism, or existential threat to override legal and constitutional accountability. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. This will not be easy. But neither is watching the world burn while issuing statements of 'deep concern.' 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