
Italy's mafia abandoning rivalries to join forces, report says
ROME, May 27 (Reuters) - Italy's mafia is turning away from violent turf wars to collaborate in drug trafficking, prostitution rings and money laundering, the national anti-mafia agency (DIA) said in an annual report about the organized crime groups on Tuesday.
Sicily's Cosa Nostra and the Camorra around Naples are forming alliances at home and abroad, while the 'Ndrangheta, based in Calabria in Italy's southern toe, is increasingly focused on controlling public works projects, the report said.
"Coexistence has fostered synergies that have progressively become structured," DIA director Michele Carbone told a press conference. These structures had become "capable of absorbing overlaps, tensions and frictions," he added.
Public works linked to Italy's EU-backed post-COVID Recovery Fund, plans for a huge bridge connecting Sicily to the mainland, and preparations for the 2026 Winter Olympics were all in danger of mafia infiltration, the DIA report said.
The construction sector represented 38% of administrative anti-mafia measures in 2024, with investigations into 200 building sites for public projects. Carbone said the DIA was ready to block any mafia involvement in the bridge to Sicily.
"Soon all anti-mafia prevention activities in connection with the construction of the bridge over the Strait (of Messina) will be started," he said.
The DIA also highlighted the mafia's growing technological expertise, using encrypted communication channels and maintaining contacts with prison inmates through drones.
Chinese "underground banking" networks are increasingly being used for money laundering, it said.
At the same time, the recruitment of marginalised young people to commit crimes in what are called "baby gangs" is facilitated by spectacular displays of power on social media, the report said.
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BBC News
3 hours ago
- BBC News
Birmingham boss of cannabis factories network convicted
The head of an organised crime group has been convicted of running a network of drug factories capable of producing millions of pounds worth of Le, from Birmingham, operated at least eight farms - and was linked to one inside a former nightclub - before he was arrested and charged with conspiring to produce cannabis, the National Crime Agency (NCA) as a property developer, Le found premises to buy or rent, even erecting scaffolding on some, and used illegal migrants to monitor the denied the charge but was found guilty at Birmingham Crown on Thursday. The 37-year-old is due to be sentenced on 4 July. The farms were based across the Midlands, North West and north Lincolnshire, the NCA worked with two others Yihao Feng, 29, from Manchester, and David Qayumi, 36, from Birmingham, to source and operate the properties, the NCA and Qayumi both later pleaded guilty to conspiring to produce cannabis, the NCA the NCA's operation, officers saw Le parking his Bentley Continental outside the former Big Bamboo nightclub in Coventry and heading premises was later raided by the NCA and West Midlands Police and 1,500 cannabis plants, worth more than £1m, were growing over three floors. Three other men were later jailed for running the industrial-scale cannabis farm in the abandoned nightclub.A former pub in Birmingham and an old hotel in Lancashire were also found to be cannabis farms, the NCA raided the Queen's Head public house in Farm Street in Hockley and arrested six Albanian nationals who were running the farm and more than 300 plants were later found the pub and surrounding land had been sold to a company controlled by Le.A lock-up storage unit in Aston that had been leased by Qayumi was also raided and officers found equipment used to grow cannabis, lighting units, carbon filters, nutrients, plant pots and grow tents, the NCA said. All three men had been seen by officers visiting the who was arrested at his apartment in Essex Street in Birmingham in November 2020, claimed he was a legitimate businessman who had no knowledge that the properties he had interests in were being used for cannabis grows, detective branch commander Kevin Broadhead said: "Roman Le claimed he was a legitimate property developer, but in actual fact he fronted an organised crime gang capable of producing millions of pounds worth of cannabis."He reaped the profits, he added, while the people put to work in them were often exploited migrants who had been smuggled into the UK. Follow BBC Birmingham on BBC Sounds, Facebook, X and Instagram.


The Guardian
3 hours ago
- The Guardian
Pablo Escobar's top cocaine pilot details working for drug lord in new podcast
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The interview that Dominguez granted Cocaine Air host Johnathan Walton after spending more than a dozen years in prison for drug trafficking and money laundering provides a stark, first-hand account of what would motivate someone to work for one of the world's most infamous criminals. Escobar had a hand in murders, kidnappings and bombings before Colombia's special forces shot him to death in 1993. As he told it to Walton, Dominguez only became involved in drug smuggling in the late 1970s after his father, a south Florida real estate developer, unexpectedly died from cancer in the middle of building a sugar mill in Haiti. Dominguez says he was 20 at the time, and he was subsequently scammed out of $100,000 by two ruthless Miami bankers who refused to give him the $14m loan his father had secured before dying. Desperate to raise capital for the sugar mill, Dominguez – whose mother was a homemaker – learned to fly airplanes so he could earn some money from drug dealers by illicitly smuggling marijuana into the US from the Bahamas and Colombia. He says he graduated to illegally flying cocaine over American skies after he dropped $800,000 worth of marijuana into the wrong smuggling boat, prompting his suppliers to kidnap him and threaten to kill him along with his family if he did not quickly make them whole. The quickest path to regaining the lost investment was to fly a plane load of coke to be dealt on behalf of another supplier, so Dominguez did it, according to what he says. 'I never wanted to get into cocaine because cocaine [smugglers] were the bad guys … doing all the killing,' Dominguez says on Walton's podcast, which is unrelated to an upcoming Netflix documentary of the same name but on a different subject. 'I don't condone drugs. I've never done any drugs. I was the victim of a con which actually pushed me in the direction that I ended up in.' Nonetheless, that first flight brought Dominguez a cool $1m to pay back his irate weed suppliers, he says. He says that was lucrative enough for him to decide to begin flying smuggled cocaine full-time, proving himself to be someone who was punctual as well as professional – and he never lost a shipment. Dominguez said his reliability ultimately captured the attention of Escobar, who tried to recruit him to his cartel. Yet Dominguez, also nicknamed Tito, initially was unmoved, saying he was fine with four flights a month at $1m a pop. 'I'll be honest with you – Pablo Escobar didn't mean anything to me,' Dominguez says on Cocaine Air. 'I [was] full of myself. I walk on water, you know? I'm making $4m a month. What the hell's wrong with that?' Escobar then offered to pay Dominguez for four flights a month at $5m a trip. Dominguez thought $20m monthly – the equivalent of $60m today when factoring in inflation – was too much to pass up. And he says that was when he opted to begin flying for Escobar exclusively. That fee evidently became too much even for Escobar, who later started paying Dominguez in cocaine. Dominguez at that point went from a cocaine smuggler to a dealer, meaning he could fly the product, sell it, collect the proceeds, launder the money and invest the funds – all on his own, without needing to count on middle men. 'I did what no other smuggler had ever done in the history of smuggling,' Dominguez bragged to Walton, whose prior projects include the hit Queen of the Con: The Irish Heiress podcast series. In a particularly noteworthy moment on Cocaine Air's series opener, Dominguez reads from a memoir co-authored by Escobar's brother – his accountant Roberto Escobar – that asserts TJ had a fleet of 30 airplanes and was one of the 'main transporters' for Pablo's drug empire. Dominguez recalled accumulating a mansion, a company that sold cellphones at a time when the devices cost $5,000 a piece, a housing development, a charter airplane and boat business, and an exotic car dealership at the peak of his powers. He even raised a pet mountain lion whom he dubbed Top Cat. But it all came crashing down one early morning in April 1988 when federal investigators – equipped with rifles and helicopters – descended on his house and arrested him. Prosecutors had charged him and 12 associates with illegally bringing more than five tons each of marijuana and cocaine into south Florida from at least July 1984 to December 1985, as the Miami Herald and Sun Sentinel newspapers reported. Officials contended that Dominguez's exotic-car dealership in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, and his other businesses in the area were fronts for a multimillion-dollar drug smuggling ring. They seized two dozen luxury cars – Lamborghinis, Ferraris, Excaliburs and Panteras – and five airplanes collectively worth nearly $3m to auction them off, among other consequences for Dominguez. In 1991, about two years before Escobar's slaying, Dominguez pleaded guilty to distributing cocaine and marijuana as well as illicitly laundering money. He spent 13 years imprisoned, including two in solitary confinement after one of his fellow inmates reported Dominguez after he managed to buy a helicopter from within his cell and plotted to be flown out to freedom. Dominguez explains on Cocaine Air that, before being caught, he had instructed the helicopter pilot to land on the grounds of the prison and then 'just jump me over the fence'. 'There was a canal, not too far away – I had a car waiting for me,' Dominguez says on Cocaine Air, which premiered Wednesday with plans to release new episodes weekly through 23 July on podcast platforms such as Apple and Spotify. Now aged 73, Dominguez told the podcast that he considers his debt to society repaid and aspires to become a legitimate entrepreneur. 'Failing is when you quit,' Dominguez says of his desire to write a new chapter in his life. 'You're going to fall? You fall forward. That means you gained two steps already. 'The glass is always half full for me.'


Reuters
4 hours ago
- Reuters
Italians vote on easing citizenship requirements, reversing labour reform
ROME, June 6 (Reuters) - Italians will start voting on Sunday in a two-day referendum on whether to ease citizenship laws and reverse a decade-old liberalisation of the labour market, but the vote may fail to generate sufficient turnout to be deemed valid. Opposition leftist and centrist parties, civil society groups and a leading trade union have latched onto the issues of labour rights and Italy's demographic woes as a way of challenging Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's right-wing coalition government. They gathered over 4.5 million signatures, according to the CGIL labour union, far more than needed to trigger the referendum, which will comprise five questions - four on the labour market and one on citizenship. However, opinion polls suggest they will struggle to persuade the required 50% plus one of the electorate to turn out to make the outcome of the vote binding. Meloni and senior government ministers have indicated they will not vote. "Meloni is afraid of participation and has understood that many Italians, even those who voted for her, will go to vote," said Elly Schlein, leader of the main opposition Democratic Party (PD), who is spearheading the campaign along with Maurizio Landini, the CGIL labour union chief. A Demopolis institute poll last month estimated turnout would be in the range of 31-39% among Italy's roughly 50 million electors - well short of the required threshold. "Securing a quorum will be hard. The opposition's minimum aim is to show strength and bring to vote more people than the 12.3 million who backed the centre-right at the 2022 general election," said Lorenzo Pregliasco, from YouTrend pollsters. The citizenship issue has garnered most public attention in a nation where concerns over the scale of immigration helped propel Meloni's anti-migration coalition to power in late 2022. The question on the ballot paper asks Italians if they back reducing the period of residence required to apply for Italian citizenship by naturalisation to five years from 10. This could affect about 2.5 million foreign nationals, organisers say. With Italy's birthrate in sharp decline, economists say the country needs to attract more foreigners to boost its anaemic economy, and migrant workers feel a lot is at stake. "If you just look at the time frame, five years are a huge gain for us migrants, if compared to 10," said Mohammed Kamara, a 27-year-old from Sierra Leone who works in a building construction company in Rome. Francesco Galietti, from political risk firm Policy Sonar, said keeping such rules tight was "an identity issue" for Meloni, but she was also being pushed by business to open up the borders of an ageing country to foreign workers. "On the one hand there is the cultural identity rhetoric, but on the other there are potential problems paying pensions and an economy that relies on manufacturing, which needs workers," he said. The questions regarding the labour market aim to make it harder to fire some workers and increase compensation for workers laid off by small businesses, among other things, reversing a law passed by a PD government a decade ago. The leaders of two of the governing coalition parties, Antonio Tajani of Forza Italia and Matteo Salvini of the League, have said they will not vote on Sunday, while Meloni, who heads Brothers of Italy, will show up at the polling station but will not vote. "She will thereby honour her institutional duty but avoid contributing to the quorum," said pollster Pregliasco.