
Should Kiwis be paying so much for butter?
By Susan Edmunds of RNZ
New Zealanders are paying high prices for milk, butter and cheese because of what people are willing to pay offshore, Fonterra's boss says - but is that fair? Restaurants on a slippery slope due to dairy prices (Subscriber)
The most recent food price data showed milk prices were up 15.1 percent annually last month, to $4.57 per two litres, butter was up 51.2 percent annually to $8.42 per 500g and cheese was up 30.1 percent to $13.04 per kilogram.
In May, Fonterra chief executive Miles Hurrell told RNZ prices were driven by global demand.
"We're a collection of 8500 small farmers and our job is to deliver for each of them," Hurrell said. "The international market is pushing these prices very high at the moment and our job is to reflect that in the returns that we give back to our farmer owners."
University of Auckland economics professor Robert MacCulloch said it was a surprising comment.
"It raised my eyebrows. For a CEO to talk that way, I thought for want of a better word was dumb.
"He's laying down what's known as the law of one price, or purchasing power parity. Similar goods are expected to be priced the same around the world.
"He's saying that applies to dairy and we can sell it anywhere in the world so when the world price goes up, Kiwis pay more and that's the end of the story.
"This is a nice theory, but it's not always true in practice. A lot of goods and services do sell for different prices [in different countries].
"He's saying we don't have any sense of social responsibility at Fonterra, which I thought was ill-judged - even though we're using farm land in the country and we've got the emissions and everything, we're ruthless profit maximisers, all we care about is maximising returns."
He said BMW offered cheaper vehicles to Germans and a similar model could be used for dairy products in New Zealand.
Child Poverty Action Group spokesperson Isaac Gunson said Finance Minister Nicola Wilis had referred in speeches to the fact that New Zealand fed 40 million people "with levels of efficiency and sustainability that are the envy of many".
"At the same time, more than a quarter of our children experienced food insecurity in the year ended June 2024. While we feed the world, our child poverty rates are lagging behind many other countries, especially in Europe.
"When milk powder sells high in Shanghai or Brussels, whānau in Aotearoa pay more for their Weet-Bix and milk - despite the fact we can grow all of the ingredients right here, and get them where they need to go.... It's a system that rewards exporters, but punishes households already doing it tough.
"In a world worried about food security, it is New Zealand children who bear the brunt of that worry - and who are literally paying for it."
But Gareth Kiernan, chief forecaster at Infometrics, said there were only two ways that goods could be sold for a lower price domestically than internationally: By regulating the price or paying subsidies to farmers to make up the difference.
"On its own, this regulation would result in farmers making less product available to the domestic market, potentially leading to shortages. Therefore it is likely that the government would need to also mandate a minimum percentage of product to be sold domestically.
"However, the lower overall return to farmers would be likely to lead to reduced production levels because squeezing out that last drop of milk would not be as profitable."
He said it would also lead to lower GDP and lower incomes per capita for the country as a whole.
Subsidies to farmers would need to be paid for somehow, so more tax would have to be collected.
"If the revenue came from taxing higher-income households, then it is likely that some lower-income households would be better off, but higher-income households would be worse off despite their milk and butter being cheaper.
"With any tax/welfare policy, there is some deadweight loss from the policy due to the administrative costs of government, as well as the less efficient allocation of resources. In this case, the less efficient allocation of resources comes from the consumer side, where people spend more than would be sensible on dairy products because they don't face the full costs."
He compared it to metered or unmetered water.
"If water is metered and people have to pay for their usage, then they will use it more carefully and efficiently, reducing demand and production costs. It means that local councils can then use some of the resources they would have needed to provide water to provide other goods and services instead. In the case of farmers with domestic subsidies, demand for their product would be overinflated, leading to too much of the economy's resources being devoted to farming, when there would be other more productive uses if people faced the full cost of their dairy products and therefore demanded less. Again, the outcome is lower GDP and lower incomes per capita for the country as a whole."
He said there had been "egregious" examples of subsidisation in petrol prices in the Middle East.
Iran, which sells petrol at about US36c a litre, had been dealing with fuel smuggling problems as people tried to get petrol out to neighbouring countries with more expensive prices.
"The difficulty with these arguments is that people see the direct cost or benefit to them in terms of dairy prices, but they don't see the indirect costs of higher taxes and/or lower GDP per capita because the transmission paths are so long and opaque."
Murat Ungor, a senior lecturer in the University of Otago department of economics, agreed if New Zealand detached itself from international pricing, it would undermine the incentive to efficiently produce and export and affect farmer incomes.
"Typically, US butter comprises 80 percent butterfat, while European and New Zealand products offer a higher 82 percent content. This variance not only influences pricing structures but also shapes trade opportunities. European and Kiwi butter, with their richer content, cater more readily to international markets demanding premium quality.
"Domestic consumers compete with international buyers, meaning local prices are influenced by global market rates rather than just local production costs. NZ dairy processors sell at international market rates, leaving little incentive to discount locally. Fonterra's dominance and supermarket duopoly reduce pressure to lower retail prices."
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If local councillors don't have the courage to make the tough decisions, we will do it for them. Let me be absolutely clear: the days of letting councils decide that growth shouldn't happen at all are over. EMBEDDING A CULTURE OF YES That brings me back to Pillar One of our Going for Housing Growth plan, and our new planning system – designed to embed a culture of 'yes' in our country. Originally, we had intended to have these Pillar One reforms in place by now. As our plans for more fundamental, wider-reaching change to the RMA took shape, we started to realise that implementing Pillar One now would be, frankly, too difficult and too confusing. So instead, we will be implementing Pillar One of Going for Housing Growth into the new planning system, where it will form the heart of our reforms to enable more housing. These will be crucial for creating a more flexible and responsive housing market. 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I want to run through a few of the key proposals in this document, and the kind of questions we are keen to have answered. First, our housing growth targets will require councils to enable enough feasible and realistic development capacity to meet 30 years of demand. We propose that each relevant council will have its own target for its urban environment, therefore excluding rural areas. We are also asking whether councils be allowed to transfer a portion of the target between themselves by mutual agreement. Unlike now, councils would be required to determine their target by using the same set of 30-year high-growth projections from Statistics NZ. Councils could choose to use a higher projection, but not lower. We are also proposing a contingency margin of 20% on top of those projections. We would rather an oversupply of houses than an undersupply, and this margin protects against that. This would see councils following a strictly controlled set of steps to calculate their own growth target, however, it would still leave the calculation up to them. We are especially keen to hear feedback on whether this is the right approach, or whether central government should determine each council's growth target instead. Standardised zoning in the new planning system is one key mechanism we will use to strengthen and embed these Housing Growth Targets. Standardised zoning essentially turns plan making into a 'paint-by-numbers' exercise for councils. We will have a range of pre-designed zones for councils to use - like CBD zones, medium density zones, or single house zones. We set the technical requirements of each zone, but councils chose where to apply them. This approach poses huge opportunities for Housing Growth Targets, making them more impactful, easier to implement, and more transparent. Right now, councils spend many months and thousands of dollars modelling capacity in their plans. With standardised zones, there are opportunities to assign clear capacity assumptions for each zone. With standardised technical rules, we can standardise capacity modelling as well. We may set these capacity assumptions centrally, for example, by saying the standardised medium density zone allows for 65 homes per hectare. This approach saves costs, makes plan changes faster and simpler, ensuring that the additional housing capacity they bring is in place as quickly as possible. Housing growth targets will ultimately mean that a lot more land is zoned for housing and businesses. The trick is going to be ensuring infrastructure and services are brought on to these areas over-time, and in a way that is truly responsive to demand. We are considering agile land-release mechanisms to bring development areas online quickly, without requiring a full plan change. To achieve this, plans could be required to specify triggers for release such as infrastructure availability, developing and agreeing a detailed development plan, or land price indicators. Now a lot goes into this. What should these triggers be? Does the land get automatically released if they are met? How could the land price indicators be calculated in real-time? We're also considering whether we might need to provide strengthened requirements for councils to be responsive to unanticipated or out-of-sequence development proposals, with less discretion for councils about what constitutes 'significant' development capacity. Cabinet has agreed to remove councils' ability to impose rural-urban boundary lines in their planning documents. We're proposing that the new resource management system is clear that councils are not able to include a policy, objective or rule that sets an urban limit or a rural-urban boundary line in their planning documents for the purposes of urban containment. Creating efficient land markets requires creating responsive land markets. These proposals are all highly technical, but if done properly, will deliver development-ready land for housing exactly when the economics is right. That's what Pillar 1 is all about - letting the economics drive development, rather than council planners. This discussion document contains a range of other questions and proposals, including how we strengthen our existing intensification requirements along public transport corridors, how we measure walkable catchments, what we do with 'special character', and how we enable greater mixed-use in our cities through standardised zoning. Consultation opens today and will run until 17 August. CONCLUSION This discussion document is a critical step in shaping a planning system that finally puts housing supply, economic growth, and common sense at its core. It asks big questions, because the stakes are big: Can we build a system that responds to need, not NIMBYs? One that treats enabling land use as an economic necessity, not a nice to have? We are not interested in tinkering. We are building a planning system where housing growth is not just allowed - it's expected. Where councils are accountable for delivering capacity, not blocking it. I encourage every council, planner, business, and Kiwi who cares about housing affordability and economic prosperity to engage in this consultation. We are open to ideas—but we are not open to delay. The time for excuses is over. The culture of 'yes' starts now. Thank you. I will now take your questions.


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