
Impunity is fuelling Israel's spiralling aggression
Photo byThe images of shattered buildings and billowing smoke are familiar but the locations are new: the destruction in Tel Aviv and Tehran signals the onset of an all-out war between Israel and Iran. The death toll in both countries continues to grow as their forces trade missiles in the wake of Israel's attack on Iran's nuclear facilities and military apparatus early on the morning of 13 June. Army bases, energy infrastructure and residential blocks all appear to be fair game, and the hostilities show no signs of dissipating.
Israel was quick to characterise its attack as 'pre-emptive', saying it had no choice but to act in defence of its citizens as Iran advances towards a nuclear weapon. Yet such a claim is without basis in international law. Moreover, the attack has only disrupted planned talks between Iran and the United States aimed at achieving a deal that would restrict the former's nuclear programme. Israel even assassinated one of Iran's key negotiators over the weekend.
In reality, Israel attacked not out of fear but out of hubris: it seeks to decisively weaken its strongest enemy in the region — at a cost of what could amount to hundreds or even thousands of civilian lives — and knows it can do so with impunity.
This was, no doubt, a risky gambit. More than a dozen Israelis have already paid with their lives and over 100 more have been wounded as the country's air defences struggle to intercept every Iranian projectile. Against such a powerful adversary, there is also a chance that carefully calibrated hostilities could quickly spiral out of control, dragging the entire region into conflagration.
But as far as the broader international response is concerned, things are playing out exactly as Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu wagered. US President Donald Trump described the attack as 'excellent', and had reportedly sent Israel a shipment of 300 Hellfire missiles only days earlier despite maintaining that the US was uninvolved in the operation. Keir Starmer's government has duly followed suit, calling for restraint while simultaneously moving military assets to the Middle East and suggesting the UK could support Israel in the war.
With Israeli leaders hinting at a loftier goal of bringing about regime change in Iran, the chances of de-escalation in the short term appear slim. And just as Israel's allies in the region have already helped shoot down Iranian missiles, we can be certain that Western governments will come readily to Israel's defence — both rhetorically and materially — ensuring it can continue its attacks.
This is the overwhelming lesson Israel has drawn from the past 20 months amid its intensifying onslaught on Gaza: there is no limit to what the world will let it get away with. Now, as it bombs its sixth neighbouring state or occupied territory in less than two years, there should be no doubt that impunity is the lifeblood of Israel's far-right government, and the fuel driving its spiralling aggression. Until it runs up against firm international resistance, it will not cease in its campaign to militarily re-engineer the entire region.
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Indeed, while the new war with Iran has hijacked the headlines, the death toll from Israel's assault on Gaza since the Hamas attacks of 7 October has surpassed 55,000. Researchers believe the true figure could be twice as high. Trump's support for the war on Gaza should be no excuse for Starmer not to do everything in his power to halt it. Instead he continues to authorise arms exports to Israel worth hundreds of millions of dollars — including components of F-35 warplanes used to drop bombs.
Since breaking the ceasefire with Hamas in March, Israel has effectively dropped the pretense that the Gaza offensive is primarily about freeing the more than 50 hostages remaining in captivity. Yet impunity still reigns, and it takes two to make a mockery of international law.
Israel's leaders have made plain their ambition to seize control of the entire Gaza Strip and raze everything in it to the ground, and the army is dutifully obliging: in some cities, the extent of the devastation is greater than in the aftermath of the atomic strikes on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Many of the enclave's two million inhabitants are homeless and starving.
If Israel's government has its way, Gazans may soon be pushed out of the Strip for good. And the war with Iran won't disrupt this agenda; it will only provide a smokescreen allowing Israel to operate with even less scrutiny.
It's not just Gaza. Israel has also used the cover of war to rapidly accelerate its takeover of the West Bank. Settlers armed by the state have succeeded in wiping scores of Palestinian communities off the map through threatening and administering brutal violence. In the West Bank's urban centres, the largest Israeli military operation in 20 years has forcibly displaced 40,000 people from several refugee camps, destroying hundreds of homes in the process.
The Israeli government additionally announced plans last month to build 22 new illegal settlements in the West Bank with the explicit intention of preventing the establishment of a Palestinian state. It has also initiated a large-scale land registration process that rights groups have described as a significant leap towards formalising Israeli sovereignty in the occupied territory.
This, too, will continue unabated as the world's attention shifts to war with Iran, and simply imposing sanctions on a pair of outspoken ministers is a paltry response to a campaign that is rapidly erasing the Palestinian people from their land.
If the UK wants to avoid being dragged into a war that will further destabilise the region, cause countless civilian deaths in Israel and Iran, enable the continuation of Israel's ethnic cleansing and slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank — not to mention almost certainly lead to more attacks on Israelis and Jews around the world — it must act immediately to force Israel down.
That means ceasing all arms licenses until Israel complies with international law, suspending the existing bilateral trade agreement, and imposing sanctions on all political and military leaders responsible for war crimes. All of these measures are long overdue, popular with the British public, and will end the impunity that Israel has enjoyed for far too long.
[See more: Netanyahu's gamble]
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NBC News
5 minutes ago
- NBC News
Live updates: Israel claims aerial superiority over Iran's capital, Tehran
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The Guardian
12 minutes ago
- The Guardian
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Spectator
22 minutes ago
- Spectator
The markets don't care about Israel and Iran
The oil price is spiralling out of control. Equities are slumping, currencies are in turmoil, gold is hitting all time highs and economists are on our television screens predicting a deep recession. With missiles flying across the Middle East as Israel and Iran embark on what could well be a major regional conflict, we might expect turmoil in the financial markets. After all, if the start of a third world war doesn't knock a few dollars off the Apple share price it is hard to know what would. But it turns out that investors appear indifferent. Looking at a trading screen this morning (Monday) you would probably think not much was going on in the world. The FTSE100 was up 30 points. Overnight, the Nikkei was up by 1.2 per cent, and when Wall Street opens it is expected to be up by a few points as well. Gold was down by 0.4 per cent, and oil by slightly under 1 per cent. It is all very meh. Anyone who thought a major conflict in the Middle East would throw the global economy into chaos will clearly be disappointed. It does not look like it is going to happen. Of course, investors might just be incredibly complacent. And yet, there are two reasons for thinking they may well be right to tune out the news bulletins from Tehran and Tel Aviv. To start with, they are assuming that Israel has already won. As so often before, the Israel military has proved its mastery of tactics, surprise, and special operations, and its defensive shield largely protects it from retaliation. Investors are betting that Benjamin Netanyahu would not have started the conflict unless he was sure he could win it. Next, the energy market has changed. Fracking has turned the United States into the largest oil and gas producer in the world, and there is plenty more to be developed. Even the Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, a fierce opponent of fossil fuels when he ran the Bank of England, is increasing production. At the same time, green energy may be more expensive than its champions predicted, and may require bigger subsidies, but there is starting to be a lot of it. The wind turbines in the North Sea generate 30 per cent of the UK's electricity, and in Spain solar contributes 20 per centof the total, while wind contributes another 20 per cent. The result? We rely far less on Middle Eastern oil and gas than we used to. In reality, the war may be a huge event for diplomats, for military strategists, and for the fate of the region. To the markets, however, it does not matter very much – and investors have other things to worry about.