logo
Bobby Harrison: Perplexing ruling gives MS Legislature right to meet behind closed doors

Bobby Harrison: Perplexing ruling gives MS Legislature right to meet behind closed doors

Yahoo02-03-2025

Hinds County Chancellor Dewayne Thomas recently affirmed the ruling of the Mississippi Ethics Commission that the state Legislature is not covered by the open meetings law and thus can meet behind closed doors.
The Mississippi Open Meetings Act says specifically that all 'policy making bodies' are subject to the law. But Thomas and the Ethics Commission majority said the law is referring to executive bodies, not the Legislature, when referencing policy making bodies.
Taking that ruling to the extreme begs the question of whether city councils and city boards of aldermen meetings are covered since they also are legislative bodies.
To exclude the Mississippi Legislature from the requirement of meeting in public seems questionable considering that the Legislature appropriates more public money than any entity in the state. And the Legislature is the state's primary policy making body with immense power.
It also is worth noting that both the current and past director of the Ethics Commission disagreed with the ruling of the majority of the commission members. The former lead attorney for the Mississippi House, previously on the Ethics Commission, also opposed the ruling that the Legislature is not covered by the open meetings law.
This perplexing issue came to the forefront because of the House leadership's ongoing practice of holding closed-door Republican caucus meetings where policy is discussed and unofficial votes are taken. It was argued that the meetings were illegal since Republicans comprise a super majority giving them many more members than needed to constitute a quorum.
The Ethics Commission made the ruling in 2022 that the Legislature was not subject to the open meetings law and Thomas, a former member of the House, upheld that ruling.
Senate Republicans, who also have a super majority, do not hold similar meetings because of the belief that it would be a violation of the open meetings law. When Phil Bryant presided over the Senate as lieutenant governor from 2008 until 2012, he was holding similar meetings until media members asked if the meetings were a violation of the open meetings law. He announced he would no longer hold the closed-door meetings.
The Mississippi Constitution does state emphatically, 'The doors of each house (of the Legislature) when in session shall be kept open.'
Many of those who would argue that the Legislature is not covered by the open meetings law claim that the constitutional provision only applies to the limited time when a chamber gavels in and does not even cover the time when the Legislature is in session but not gaveled in. If a majority meets during the 90-day session at the speaker's discretion to discuss business but does not specifically gavel into session, the constitutional provision would not apply, they claim.
Before the 2000 session of the Mississippi Legislature, then-Speaker Tim Ford called a meeting of the House members at a location away from the Capitol.
There was intense interest in the meeting since on the quickly approaching first day of the 2000 session the House would select the state's next governor.
For the first time in the history of the state, the losing gubernatorial candidate was asking House members to decide the gubernatorial election under an antiquated and now repealed provision of the Mississippi Constitution. The provision said to win statewide office a candidate had to claim a majority of the popular votes and win the most votes in a majority of the 122 House districts. Democrat Ronnie Musgrove won the most votes, but did not win a majority.
Needless to say, Ford's out-of-session meeting before that historic first-day vote generated interest. Under the ruling of the Ethics Commission and Thomas, the meeting would not have been subject to the open meetings law.
Ford allowed media to attend the meeting. The issue of whether the meeting was public did not arise.
It is difficult to recall an instance when Ford or other past speakers routinely held meetings of a majority of the House behind closed doors to discuss official business and to take unofficial votes.
In those days, there were legislative whips designated by the leadership to meet with small groups to discuss policy and to try to sway votes.
Sure, it took more work than just getting all your members together behind closed doors. But it also did not violate at least the spirit of the open meetings law.
After the Ethics Commission ruling in 2022, Sen. Jason Barrett, R-Brookhaven, filed a bill to clarify that the Legislature is covered by the open meetings law. The bill had 19 co-sponsors in the 52-member Senate. But it died in committee.
Perhaps such a bill will be considered again after Thomas' most recent ruling.
This analysis was produced by Mississippi Today, a nonprofit news organization that covers state government, public policy, politics and culture. Bobby Harrison is Mississippi Today's senior Capitol reporter.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

A teenager with a job making burritos became a powerful Minnesota lawmaker who trained service dogs

timean hour ago

A teenager with a job making burritos became a powerful Minnesota lawmaker who trained service dogs

MINNEAPOLIS -- MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — Melissa Hortman' s influence at the Minnesota Capitol and her power as a Democratic leader to shape the course of a deeply divided Legislature were a far cry from her job as a teenager making chili-cheese burritos and overshadowed her volunteer work training service dogs for veterans. She was a lifelong Minneapolis-area resident who went to college in Boston and then returned home for law school and, with degree fresh in hand, worked as a volunteer lawyer for a group fighting housing discrimination. Elected to the Minnesota House in 2004, she helped pass liberal initiatives like free lunches for public school students in 2023 as the chamber's speaker. With the House split 67-67 between Democrats and Republicans this year, she helped break a budget impasse threatening to shut down state government. Tributes from friends and colleagues in both parties poured in after Hortman and her husband were shot to death early Saturday in their suburban Brooklyn Park home in what authorities called an act of targeted political violence. Helping Paws, which trains service dogs, posted a message on its Facebook page, along with a 2022 photo of a smiling Hortman with her arm around Gilbert, a friendly-looking golden retriever trained to be a service dog and adopted by her family. 'Melissa Hortman was a woman that I wish everyone around the country knew,' U.S. Sen. Amy Klobuchar, a longtime friend and Democratic ally, said Sunday on ABC's 'This Week.' Klobuchar added: 'She was a true leader and loved her work, but was always so grounded and such a decent person. I think that's probably the best word to describe her. You look at her pictures and you know what she was about.' The killings of Hortman and her husband early Saturday followed the shootings and wounding of another prominent Minnesota lawmaker, state Sen. John Hoffman, and his wife, at their home in Champlin, another Minneapolis suburb. Hoffman is chair of the Senate committee overseeing human resources spending. A nephew posted Sunday on Facebook that the Hoffmans were out of surgery and recovering from multiple gunshot wounds. The Hortmans, the Hoffmans and other top Democrats had gathered at a downtown Minneapolis hotel Friday night for their party's annual Humphrey-Mondale dinner. It's named for two Minnesota liberal icons who served both as U.S. senators and vice presidents, Hubert Humphrey and Walter Mondale. Minnesota Democrat and U.S. Sen. Tina Smith said she saw both lawmakers at the dinner. 'So it feels so personal, because we're all very good friends, of course, to have that have happened so shortly after we were all together,' Smith said on CNN's 'Inside Politics Sunday.' Outside the state Capitol in St. Paul, a memorial to Hortman and her husband included flowers, candles, small American flags and a photo of the couple. Visitors left messages on Post-It notes commending Hortman's legislative work, including, 'You changed countless lives." Legislative colleagues described Hortman as funny, savvy and fiercely committed to liberal causes. When lawmakers convened in January with a vacancy in a Democratic seat in the House giving the GOP a temporary advantage, Hortman led a boycott of daily sessions for more than three weeks to force Republicans into a power-sharing arrangement. Republicans were intent this year on ending state health coverage for adult immigrants who entered the U.S. illegally, authorized in 2023 as part of a sweeping liberal program. Democrats wanted to keep it, and lawmakers began June — the last month of the 2025 budget year — without having passed a 2026-27 spending blueprint. Hortman helped negotiate a package that included a bill ending the state health coverage for adult immigrants on Jan. 1, 2026. She was the only House Democrat to vote for it last week— the 68th vote it needed to pass the chamber. She told reporters afterward that Republicans insisted on the bill, and Minnesota voters who gave the House an even partisan split expect the parties to compromise. But she acknowledged she worries about people who will lose their health insurance. 'I know that people will be hurt by that vote,' she said, choking up briefly before regaining her composure. 'We worked very hard to try to get a budget deal that wouldn't include that provision.' Hortman's earliest jobs didn't suggest that she'd become a power in Minnesota politics. The earliest job listed on her profile, when she was 16, was as a cook and cashier at a restaurant, where she made tacos and, 'most importantly, chili cheese burritos.' She also worked for caterers and was a runner at an auto parts store, putting inventory away and retrieving items for customers. Her husband, Mark, earned a physics degree from the University of North Carolina and later, a master's of business administration. He was the chief operating officer of an auto parts company for 10 years before co-founding a business consulting firm. He was active in Helping Paws and worked with homebuilding nonprofit Habitat for Humanity. They have an adult son and an adult daughter. Melissa Hortman earned a degree in philosophy and political science from Boston University, where she also worked as a residence assistant in one of its dormitories. She earned her law degree from the University of Minnesota, but also a master's of public administration from Harvard University. She served a decade on the board of a local nonprofit providing transportation and car repairs for low-income residents. She also was part of a committee in 2005 considering whether Minneapolis should submit a bid to host the Summer Olympics. 'We remember Melissa for her kindness, compassion, and unwavering commitment to making the world better,' Helping Paws said in its Facebook message.

American biotech dominance under threat
American biotech dominance under threat

Boston Globe

timean hour ago

  • Boston Globe

American biotech dominance under threat

And while Massachusetts remains a cornerstone of US biotech dominance, similar ecosystems have taken root and thrived in cities across the country — each contributing to our national strength in science and innovation. But this engine of innovation and economic growth is under threat. Advertisement Recent federal actions . As a recent Advertisement Many small biotechs — the true engines of innovation — are struggling to navigate this great uncertainty. Meanwhile, China has prioritized investment in biotechnology, This matters far beyond company balance sheets. The global bioeconomy is estimated to be The stakes couldn't be higher. If American biotech leadership is allowed to erode, critical discoveries, economic growth, and strategic leverage will migrate to rival nations. The suffering of patients waiting for cures and new medicines will be prolonged unnecessarily. But there is reason for optimism. The biotech industry is resilient precisely because its core has always been patients. Through economic downturns, policy shifts, and scientific setbacks, the mission to develop life-changing therapies has never wavered. And the industry is ideally positioned to lead what will be the next revolution in medicine: the integration of artificial intelligence and other advanced technologies into drug discovery, clinical trial operations, and diagnostics. When we emerge from this period of uncertainty, we will have strong science and battle-tested leaders. But a future that accelerates innovation, while reducing costs, depends on our actions today. Strategic investment in research, fully staffed and highly capable regulatory agencies, and stable, open supply chains are not Republican or Democratic issues — they're imperatives for safeguarding American biotech innovation. Advertisement There needs to be an immediate course correction, starting with clear and consistent regulatory policy. Predictable rules, timely reviews, and independent oversight are essential for restoring confidence in the US biotech ecosystem. The National Security Commission on Emerging Biotechnology has underscored this need, calling for a long-term federal strategy to support innovation and strengthen our competitive edge. That includes at least The choice is clear: Lead the world in biotechnology or watch critical discoveries happen elsewhere. As the biotech community convenes in Boston, we call on policy makers across the political spectrum to protect America's innovation leadership.

North Carolina redistricting trial begins over racial gerrymandering claims

timean hour ago

North Carolina redistricting trial begins over racial gerrymandering claims

RALEIGH, N.C. -- North Carolina congressional and legislative districts drawn by Republicans that helped them retain majorities in Raleigh and Washington are in court, as federal lawsuits accuse mapmakers of illegally eroding Black voting power in the process. A trial scheduled by a three-judge panel will start Monday in Winston-Salem over allegations that GOP legislative leaders violated federal law and the U.S. Constitution when they enacted new electoral maps in the ninth-largest state in October 2023. Republican leaders counter that lawfully partisan — and not racial — considerations helped inform their decision-making. The lines were used in the 2024 elections, after which Republicans kept General Assembly majorities and flipped three U.S. House seats held by Democratic incumbents who didn't seek reelection because they decided the recast district made winning impossible. Those seat flips, which turned a 7-7 delegation into one with a 10-4 Republican advantage, helped the GOP keep narrow control of the House, which has helped advance President Donald Trump's agenda. Favorable rulings for the plaintiffs could force Republicans to redraw maps for the 2026 elections, making it harder to retain their partisan advantage. Otherwise, the districts could be used through the 2030 elections. The trial involves two lawsuits filed in late 2023. In one lawsuit, the North Carolina NAACP, Common Cause and several Black residents originally sued over redrawn state House and Senate maps and U.S. House districts. The other lawsuit filed by nearly 20 Black and Latino voters focused on the new congressional districts, four of which they argue are illegal racial gerrymanders. Pretrial rulings this spring and amended litigation dismissed challenges to the state House map and narrowed state Senate arguments to a handful of districts. Still, both lawsuits claim that lines are so skewed for GOP candidates that many Black voters cannot elect their preferred candidates, violating the Voting Rights Act. They allege the mapmakers submerged or spread out Black voting blocs, which historically have favored Democrats, into surrounding districts with white majorities — benefiting Republicans. They point to a region where the cities of Greensboro, High Point and Winston-Salem are located. They said Republicans split the region's concentrated Black voting population within multiple U.S. House districts. Then-Rep. Kathy Manning, a Greensboro Democrat, decided not to run again because her district shifted to the right. The plaintiffs also allege Republican mapmakers intentionally discriminated against Black and Latino voters. In a pretrial brief, lawyers for Republican leaders say the lawmakers used mapmaking rules that prohibited using data identifying the race of voters, in keeping with rulings on previous North Carolina redistricting maps in which judges chided them for emphasizing race. Instead, Republicans were able to lawfully use partisan data — like statewide election results — in drawing the new maps, the lawyers said. They cite a 2019 U.S. Supreme Court decision and an April 2023 state Supreme Court decision that neutered legal claims of illegal partisan gerrymandering. The plaintiffs counter that the 'racial sorting' within the challenged districts can't be explained by politics alone. The three judges were all nominated to the bench by Republican presidents: 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Allison Rushing (Donald Trump) and District Judges Thomas Schroeder (George W. Bush) and Richard Myers (Trump). The panel has set aside several days for a trial that won't end until July 9. Likely witnesses include individual plaintiffs, state legislators, redistricting experts and historians. No immediate decision is expected — the legal sides have until early August to file additional briefs. The court's ruling can be appealed. With candidate filing for the 2026 election starting Dec. 1, any required remapping would have to be completed by late fall to avoid election disruptions. North Carolina has a long history of redistricting litigation in federal courts. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in landmark cases in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s involving racial bias and the extent to which racial considerations could be used in forming districts that favored the election of Black candidates. The court's 2019 decision on partisan gerrymandering stemmed from a North Carolina case. The current maps were drawn after the state Supreme Court, with a Republican seat majority, essentially struck down rulings the court made in 2022 when it had a Democratic majority. Two other lawsuits challenging the 2023 district boundaries are pending. Statewide races in North Carolina are close, and Democrats have held the governor's mansion for most of the past 30 years. But Republicans have controlled the General Assembly — and thus redistricting — since 2011. Redistricting maps can't be blocked by a governor's veto.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store