
'Her kindness and service touched countless lives': Wife of Singapore's first president, Yusof Ishak, dies at 91
Puan Noor Aishah, wife of Singapore's first president Yusof Ishak, has died at the age of 91 early Tuesday (April 22) morning.
The Prime Minister's Office (PMO) said in a statement that Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and his Cabinet are deeply saddened by the death of Puan Noor Aishah.
PM Wong said in a Facebook post on Tuesday: "With grace and quiet strength, she stood by Encik Yusof Ishak and steadfastly supported him throughout our tumultuous years of nation building."
"Her kindness and service touched countless lives - may her legacy continue to inspire us all."
Puan Noor Aishah died peacefully at the Singapore General Hospital at 4.28am. Her husband, the late president, died in 1970 at the age of 60.
The Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (Muis) said in a statement that Puan Noor Aishah's contributions to the community, most notably in supporting people with disabilities and women's rights, has deeply impacted the lives of Singaporean Muslims as well as the nation.
She was also the patron for several organisations including the Red Cross Society, the Young Women's Muslim Association (PPIS), the Singapore Children's Society and the Girl Guides Association.
Puan Noor Aishah was inducted into the Singapore Women's Hall of Fame in 2018 for her contributions.
In a tribute, President Tharman Shanmugaratnam shared that Puan Noor Aishah, who became Singapore's first first lady at just 26, will be remembered for her grace, compassion and service to others.
Though she had no more than two years of primary school education, she was "determined" when Yusof Ishak was sworn in as Yang di-Pertuan Negara (head of state) in 1959 and took English lessons, organised receptions for visiting dignitaries, and transformed the Istana to give it a "distinctive local elegance".
"When the President's health began to decline, she stepped in to shoulder some of his social responsibilities," wrote President Tharman.
"But she was more than a pillar of support. She was a force for good in her own right, championing various social causes and being a dedicated patron to many organisations supporting the disadvantaged."
"Unlike Encik Yusof Ishak who passed away in 1970, Puan Noor Aishah lived to see Singapore's transformation. She could take pride in her quiet role in our foundational years of self-government and independence, for which she will stay in collective memory."
In recognition of her contributions, the PMO said the Government will assist the family of Puan Noor Aishah with funeral arrangements.
She will be laid to rest at Kranji State Cemetery later on Tuesday alongside the late President Yusof Ishak.
As a mark of respect, she will be accorded the honour of being borne on the Ceremonial Gun Carriage for her final journey from Masjid Ba'alwie to Kranji State Cemetery.
[[nid:644095]]
lim.kewei@asiaone.com
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Straits Times
19 hours ago
- Straits Times
Mexico to announce 'measures' next week if no deal on US metals tariffs
Mexico's President Claudia Sheinbaum walks along with Mexico's Defense Minister Ricardo Trevilla Trejo during the inauguration of the Mexico Aerospace Fair (FAMEX) 2025 at the Santa Lucia military airbase in Zumpango, near Mexico City, Mexico April 22, 2025 REUTERS/Raquel Cunha/File Photo Mexico to announce 'measures' next week if no deal on US metals tariffs Mexico will announce measures next week if there is no agreement reached with the United States on the steel and aluminum tariffs announced, president Claudia Sheinbaum said Wednesday. She also called the U.S. announcement to raise the metals' tariffs to 50% from the 25% introduce in March an "unfair measure" during her morning conference, citing the free trade agreement Mexico and Canada share with the United Sates. Sheinbaum however said that Mexico's response would not be "an eye for an eye." "It is not a matter of revenge, or retaliation as they call it in English," she said. "It is a matter of protecting our jobs and our businesses." U.S. President Donald Trump had late on Tuesday signed an executive proclamation activating the tariffs starting Wednesday. The Trump administration also wants countries to provide their "best offers" to avoid other punishing import levies from taking effect in early July, according to a draft letter to negotiating partners seen by Reuters. Economy Minister Marcelo Ebrard is set to hold talks with high-level U.S. officials this week, Sheinbaum said. REUTERS Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.

Straits Times
6 days ago
- Straits Times
Chan Chun Sing meets Timor-Leste president, foreign defence leaders
Minister for Defence Chan Chun Sing with Timor-Leste President Jose Ramos-Horta at the IISS Shangri-La Dialogue on May 30. ST PHOTO: JASON QUAH SINGAPORE – Defence Minister Chan Chun Sing met with a number of his regional and international counterparts on May 30, where he reaffirmed Singapore's friendly bilateral defence ties with them. On the sidelines of the 22nd Shangri-La Dialogue, Mr Chan called on Timor-Leste President Jose Ramos-Horta. The two leaders exchanged views on regional security developments and ways to enhance bilateral defence cooperation, said Mindef. Mr Chan met Brunei's Minister at the Prime Minister's Office and Minister of Defence II Haji Awang Halbi Haji Mohd Yussof, and discussed bilateral cooperation as well as engagement through multilateral platforms such as the Asean Defence Ministers' Meeting (ADMM) and ADMM-Plus. Singapore's and Brunei's militaries have regular interactions through high-level visits, professional exchanges, cross-attendance of courses and bilateral exercises, which strengthen ties and enhance professionalism, said Mindef. Both countries will mark the 50th anniversary of their defence relations in 2026. Minister for Defence Chan Chun Sing (right) with Brunei's Minister at the Prime Minister's Office and Minister of Defence II Haji Awang Halbi Haji Mohd Yussof on May 30. PHOTO: MINDEF Mr Chan also met Philippines Secretary of National Defense Gilberto Teodoro Jr, and the two leaders expressed their commitment to continue working together through the ADMM and ADMM-Plus meetings. They also discussed avenues to further defence cooperation between their countries. Defence Minister Chan Chun Sing (right) with Philippines Secretary of National Defence Gilberto Teodoro at the Shangri-La Dialogue on May 30. ST PHOTO: JASON QUAH In addition, Mr Chan met French Minister for the Armed Forces Sebastien Lecornu. At their meeting, Mr Chan expressed appreciation for France's support for the Republic of Singapore Air Force training at Cazaux Air Base since 1998. Both ministers also exchanged views on security priorities and geopolitical developments, said Mindef. The two defence ministers had earlier on May 30 signed three agreements to expand cooperation between Singapore and France in emerging and advanced areas of defence technology, such as quantum and artificial intelligence. The ceremony was witnessed by Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and French President Emmanuel Macron, who was on a state visit to Singapore. The state visit came as Singapore and France marked 60 years of diplomatic relations. During the visit, PM Wong and President Macron upgraded bilateral relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, the Republic's first with a European country. Mr Chan's meetings took place at the Shangri-La Hotel, where regional and global defence leaders have gathered for the annual Shangri-La Dialogue, Asia's premier security summit. The dialogue, being held from May 30 to June 1, brings together defence ministers, military chiefs and security experts from around the world to discuss key security issues in the Asia-Pacific region. Join ST's WhatsApp Channel and get the latest news and must-reads.
Business Times
6 days ago
- Business Times
How an agonising relationship with his dad shaped Xi Jinping
The Party's Interests Come First By Joseph Torigian; Stanford University Press; 718 pages; US$50 and £41 BY THE time Xi Zhongxun was in his 70s, his teeth were failing him. Tough, chewy foods were a challenge, so during one family meal, he extracted some half-masticated garlic ribs from his mouth and gave them to his son to finish. Xi Jinping – by then in his mid-30s and a rising star in the Chinese Communist Party – accepted the morsel without hesitation or complaint. He took the remains of the ribs and swallowed them. Xi Jinping was used to leftovers. As a boy, he would wash in his father's bathwater. (The next morning the water would be used for a third time, to launder the family's clothes.) He also understood the importance of deference, for Xi Zhongxun had taught him that children who did not respect their parents were doomed to fail as adults. Every Chinese new year, Xi Jinping would perform the traditional kowtow ritual, prostrating himself before his parent in a display of reverence. If his technique was off, his father would beat him. These stories are recounted in The Party's Interests Come First, a biography of Xi Zhongxun by Joseph Torigian, an American scholar. Torigian draws on a decade of research using Chinese, English and Russian sources, including official documents, newspapers, diaries and interviews. The book is valuable not only for its portrait of its subject – who was a major figure in the party's history in his own right – but also for its insights into his progeny, now the supreme leader. As China's unquestioned ruler, possibly for life, Xi Jinping is arguably the most important person in the world. He will be wielding power long after Donald Trump has retired to Mar-a-Lago. Yet information about him is paltry. His every movement is choreographed by a fawning propaganda machine; in the accounts of his life, interesting details are expunged by overbearing censors. The book is valuable not only for its portrait of its subject – who was a major figure in the party's history in his own right – but also for its insights into his progeny, now the supreme leader. There are only a handful of ways to understand Xi Jinping, which involve poring over party records or leaked speeches, learning about key moments in Chinese history that he lived through and studying the people who most influenced him. Few people have shaped Xi Jinping more than his father. Xi Zhongxun's relationship to the party and his thwarted ambitions offer clues as to what his son wants for China. BT in your inbox Start and end each day with the latest news stories and analyses delivered straight to your inbox. Sign Up Sign Up Like many of his generation, Xi Zhongxun's life was marked by tragedy. Born in 1913 into a family of peasants, he was an ardent believer in communism from a young age. His belief strengthened in his adolescent years, he said, as he witnessed 'the tragic mistreatment of the labouring people'. He took part in violent student protests in 1928 and was imprisoned by the then anti-communist authorities. Xi Zhongxun's parents died when he was a teenager: the result, he thought, of the stress caused by his jailing. Two of his sisters died of hunger. After the civil war, Xi Zhongxun rose fast through the party's ranks and 'entered the very top echelon of the government', Torigian writes. Then, in 1962, he was purged by Mao Zedong for supporting the publication of a novel Mao considered subversive. Four years later, China's paranoid dictator launched the Cultural Revolution, unleashing frenzied gangs who killed between 500,000 and two million people and displaced many more. Xi Zhongxun was kidnapped, held in solitary confinement and tortured. Around 20,000 people were targeted for having supported Xi Zhongxun, the author estimates, and at least 200 'were beaten to death, driven mad or seriously injured'. His family suffered, too. They were forced to denounce Xi Zhongxun; one of his daughters committed suicide. A teenager at the time, Xi Jinping was branded a 'capitalist roader' (essentially, a traitor) because of his father's disgrace. On one occasion, the young Xi Jinping was forced to wear a heavy steel cap and subjected to public humiliation. A crowd ridiculed him, shouting slogans including 'Down with Xi Jinping'. His mother joined in the jeering. Xi Jinping was thrown in prison, where he slept on an icy floor during the winter. 'My entire body was covered in lice,' he wrote. One time, Xi Jinping managed to escape and make his way home. He begged his mother for some food. Not only did she refuse, she also reported him to the authorities, fearful that she would be arrested otherwise. Crying, Xi Jinping ran out into the rain. What doesn't kill you The anguish did not stop there. In 1969, aged 15, Xi Jinping was 'sent down' to the countryside with millions of other young people exiled from the cities. He lived in a cave in a desolate part of the country, where girls were sold into marriage for a dowry calculated by their weight. 'Even if you do not understand, you are forced to understand,' he later recalled of that time. 'It forces you to mature earlier.' Why did both men stay committed to a party that had caused them so much pain? Torigian suggests the answer may lie in What Is to Be Done?, a novel of 1863 by Nikolai Chernyshevsky, a Russian journalist. In the story, a young man named Rakhme sleeps on a bed of nails to strengthen his will. Xi Jinping imagined that he was Rakhme as he endured those cold floors, lice, rainstorms and blizzards. Both father and son may have been influenced by a Bolshevik political culture that glamorised 'forging' – the idea that suffering strengthens your willpower and dedication to the cause. Throughout his life, Xi Jinping has been loyal to two groups that demand absolute obedience: the family and the party. Both were often 'unfairly' strict, Xi Jinping has said, yet this did not dent his loyalty. Torigian shows how Xi Jinping balances dedication and realism. 'If I were born in the United States, I would not join the Communist Party of the United States. I would join the Democratic Party or Republican Party,' Xi Jinping once told Shinzo Abe, Japan's prime minister at the time. Abe concluded that Xi joined the party not because of ideology, but as a way to gain power. After Xi Zhongxun was rehabilitated under Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s, he was put in charge of Guangdong province and began to liberalise the local economy. When Xi Jinping became general secretary of the party in 2012 – the top job in China – many expected him to be an economic reformer like his father. But the assumption that Xi Jinping was any kind of liberal was wrong: he is not interested in creating an open and free country. He believes in restoring China's greatness and thinks that, to this end, the party should use any means necessary. His experience of injustice has not taught him that arbitrary power is undesirable; only that it should be wielded less chaotically than it was under Mao, by someone wise like himself. In a little over a decade, Xi Jinping has become the most autocratic Chinese leader since Mao. His regime ruthlessly represses dissidents at home and activists abroad; it enforces a stifling political conformity, forcing many to study 'Xi Jinping Thought'. Such methods are justified, he thinks, because he sees himself as a man of destiny, with a duty to generations past and future. He often speaks of himself as a protector of Chinese civilisation. 'Whoever throws away those things left behind by our ancestors is a traitor,' he told Ma Ying-jeou, a former president of Taiwan. That attitude is apparent in Xi Jinping's Taiwan policy, which bears his father's influence. Towards the end of his career, Xi Zhongxun was put in charge of unification with Taiwan. The party had ambitious dreams of reclaiming the island, which has been self-governing since China's civil war ended in 1949 and the losing side, the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party), retreated there. But Xi Zhongxun died in 2002 with this aspiration unfulfilled. His son yearns to fulfil it. Xi Jinping has made it plain he wants to take back Taiwan. Those who rule China must remember that 'the territory left by the ancestors must not shrink', he said in 2012. When or how he may try to seize Taiwan – through war, a blockade or other means – is unclear. What is clear, though, is that his family's suffering has shaped Xi Jinping's dark view of politics. 'For people who rarely encounter power and who are distant from it, they always see these things as very mysterious and fresh,' Xi Jinping once said. 'But what I saw was more than the surface of things. I didn't just see the power, flowers, glory and applause. I also saw the cowsheds (where people were confined during the Cultural Revolution) and the fickleness of the world.' Xi Jinping's formative years made him clear-eyed and cynical, hardened and imperious. The worldview he learned from his father will affect not only 1.4 billion Chinese people, but the whole of humanity. ©2025 The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved