logo
How has Iran managed to pierce through Israel's air defence systems?

How has Iran managed to pierce through Israel's air defence systems?

Al Jazeera4 hours ago

Israel's launch of air attacks against Iran on Friday prompted Tehran to fire a wave of retaliatory strikes on Israel, and some Iranian ballistic missiles have pierced through Israel's missile defence systems and hit key targets.
Israel's escalating attacks have killed more than 240 people, including 70 women and children, in Iran. In retaliation, Iran has fired about 400 missiles and hundreds of drones, killing at least 24 people in Israel, wounding hundreds and forcing Israelis across the country to take cover in bomb shelters.
Some Iranian strikes have hit residential areas in central Israel, causing heavy damage. Israel's fortified military headquarters in Tel Aviv, the Kirya, was also hit although damage was limited there.
On Tuesday, Iran said it hit a military intelligence centre and a Mossad spy agency operations planning centre, breaching Israel's advanced missile defence systems – some of the most advanced in the world.
In recent history, Israel has successfully intercepted most aerial attacks coming its way through these systems, such as its signature Iron Dome.
So how are Iranian missiles making it past Israel's air defences?
While the Iron Dome is at the heart of Israel's air defences, it is only a part of a larger system, comprising 'the lowest level of these multitiered, integrated air defences,' said Alex Gatopoulos, Al Jazeera's defence editor.
The Iron Dome detects an incoming rocket or missile, determines its path and intercepts it. Israel said the Iron Dome is 90 percent effective. It became operational in 2011 after it was developed to counter rocket attacks during the war with Hezbollah in 2006.
Gatopoulos explained that the Iron Dome was designed to intercept low-level rockets that larger systems would not be able to detect.
Israel also has the Barak-8 surface-to-air missile system, which intercepts medium-range missiles; the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system, which intercepts short-, medium- and intermediate-range ballistic missiles; and the David's Sling, which intercepts medium- to long-range missiles.
The Israeli missile defence systems use the Arrow-2 and Arrow-3 interceptors to intercept long-range missiles, such as Iranian missiles fired in the current conflict.
The main contractor for the Arrow project is state-owned Israel Aerospace Industries, and Boeing is involved in making the interceptors.
The Arrow-2 is designed to intercept incoming missiles at slightly higher altitudes within and outside the Earth's atmosphere.
Besides using air defence systems, Israel also carries out air-to-air missile defence, which involves the use of aircraft, such as combat helicopters or fighter jets, to destroy drones heading towards Israel.
Israeli air defence systems are made of three components: a radar system, a command and control centre, and a launcher with interceptor missiles.
An incoming enemy missile is tracked on the radar, which alerts the control centre to assess which targets to engage. The launcher normally sends out two interceptor missiles for one incoming enemy missile, Marina Miron, a postdoctoral researcher at King's College London, told Al Jazeera.
All air defence systems are equipped with a limited number of interceptor missiles, and the exact number of interceptor missiles in Israel's air defence systems is unknown to the public.
On Saturday, an Israeli military official said its defence systems had an '80 or 90 percent success rate', emphasising that no system has a perfect rate, the Reuters news agency reported without naming the official.
This means that some Iranian missiles had pierced the fortifications.
While we do not know exactly how some Iranian missiles made it past Israeli air defence systems, there are a few possible ways Iranian drones and missiles managed to avoid interception.
One way Iran possibly evaded Israeli air defences is by exhausting Israel's interceptor missiles.
'No system shoots down 100 percent [missiles] anyway,' Miron said, adding: 'You cannot shoot down more missiles if you only have a limited number of interceptors.'
Gatopoulos said Iran has hypersonic missiles, a direct reaction to evolving and maturing ballistic missile defences. This is because one way to evade an air defence system is to use missiles that fly faster, giving the air defence system less time to react.
Miron said hypersonic missiles are difficult for air defence systems to intercept even if they are detected by radar.
Some hypersonic missiles are also equipped with a hypersonic glide vehicle (HGV), a warhead attached to a missile that can manoeuvre and glide at speeds five times faster than the speed of sound. In Iran, the Fattah-2 uses the HGV. 'It looks like a normal missile with a craft attached to the end of it,' Gatopoulos said.
He explained that besides travelling faster, HGVs also zigzag and do not move on a predictive path like regular ballistic missiles. Such quick, erratic movements evade air defence systems, which are designed to predict the path a missile will take.
Cruise missiles can also change their trajectory and become difficult to intercept, Miron said.
Iran has cruise missiles in its arsenal, such as the Hoveyzeh missile, and has used such missiles against Israel. While these missiles are slower than ballistic missiles, they fly like pilotless planes, low and steady, sneaking past air defences.
Another way air defence systems can be tested is by overloading their systems by tricking them with decoys of drones and missiles, Miron added.
'It shows up as a threat on the radar, but in actuality, it's not. And usually such decoys are used … to empty the interceptor missile reserve so that the actual missiles and drones can get through.'
Miron added that some missiles are also equipped with radar suppression technologies that make them undetectable for air defence systems.
Gatopoulos explained that the conflict between Iran and Israel is 'attritional' at the moment.
On Monday, Israel claimed dominance over Iranian skies. However, the shortest distance between Iran and Israel is 1,000km (620 miles). 'It is a long way for Israeli planes to go unfuelled,' Gatopoulos said.
'You can loiter there, but only up to a certain amount of time,' he added. He explained that while the US could possibly help Israel with air-to-air refuelling, adding external tanks on planes makes them lose stealth properties.
Gatopoulos added that this raises questions of how many missiles Iran has to continue the conflict of attrition as Israeli planes patrol and try to destroy any mobile launchers and how many interceptors, Arrow-2 and -3 especially, Israel has that it can keep firing.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Why is Israel killing so many Palestinians seeking food in Gaza?
Why is Israel killing so many Palestinians seeking food in Gaza?

Al Jazeera

timean hour ago

  • Al Jazeera

Why is Israel killing so many Palestinians seeking food in Gaza?

As Israel attacks Iran, its genocide in Gaza has shown no signs of easing. At least 70 Palestinians were killed in a single day this week at a food distribution site run by a controversial group in Khan Younis that is backed by Israel and the United States. All other aid channels are blocked – including medical supplies. So, what's the impact of this latest Israeli strategy? Presenter: Nick Clark Guests: Amjad Shawa – Director of the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network in Gaza Christopher Lockyear – Secretary-general at Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans Frontieres or MSF) Mads Gilbert – Medical doctor with extensive experience in Gaza

Iran war gives Netanyahu political breathing room in Israel
Iran war gives Netanyahu political breathing room in Israel

Al Jazeera

time2 hours ago

  • Al Jazeera

Iran war gives Netanyahu political breathing room in Israel

Two confidence votes, each fewer than seven days apart, tell much of the story of Israel's political transformation since it launched attacks on longstanding regional nemesis Iran on Friday. Early on Thursday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's far-right government narrowly survived a vote that ensured its continuation after an 11th-hour deal was reached with ultra-Orthodox parties who are a key force within it. Had a deal not been found, then parliament would have been dissolved and new elections called, leaving Netanyahu vulnerable as opposition against him grew. But then on Monday, a similar attempt to dissolve parliament failed miserably after no confidence motions brought forward by parties led by Palestinian citizens of Israel failed to attract any support from the centre and the right. Of course, in between, Israel had launched its attacks on Iran, upending domestic Israeli politics as well as regional geopolitics. Rejecting Monday's no confidence motions, opposition politician Pnina Tamano-Shata – who has been critical of Netanyahu in the past – told lawmakers the efforts were 'disconnected from reality'. That is now the mainstream view in Israeli politics, with opposition parties falling into line behind Netanyahu and a war against Iran that the prime minister has been promoting for at least two decades. Writing in Israeli media the day after Israel's strikes on Iran began, former Prime Minister and self-styled centrist Yair Lapid, who less than a month earlier had been calling upon the prime minister to seek a truce in Gaza, wrote of his full support for the attacks on Iran while urging the United States to participate in the war. He was then pictured shaking Netanyahu's hand with a map of Iran on a wall behind the two right-wing Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, whom polls have shown to be a favourite to replace Netanyahu if early elections were called, also told Israeli media: 'There is no right, no left, no opposition and no coalition' in regard to the attacks on Iran. Speaking to Al Jazeera on Tuesday, Aida Touma-Suleiman, a member of parliament representing the Hadash-Ta'al Party, said: 'Politically, the switch to supporting the war by the main opposition isn't surprising. It took them a year and a half to say it's forbidden to kill children. It will probably take them another year and a half to realise they don't automatically have to fall in behind Netanyahu every time there's a new crisis.' 'There are no voices in Israel questioning this, apart from us, and we're Palestinians and leftists, so apparently not to be trusted,' Touma-Suleiman said. 'Even those who call themselves the Zionist left are supporting the war.' 'Israelis are raised being told they're in danger and that they're going to need to do everything they can to survive,' she added. Only last week, things seemed very different. Domestically, Netanyahu and his coalition were under pressure from a parliament, public and even military that appeared to have grown tired of the country's seemingly endless war on Gaza. Open letters protesting the burden that the war was imposing upon Israeli lives and, in some cases, Palestinian ones had come from members of the military and from within its universities and colleges. Large numbers of reservists were also believed to be refusing to turn up for duty. There was also pressure to hold an inquiry into Netanyahu and his government's failure to prevent the October 7, 2023, attacks on Israel, and a corruption trial that has haunted Netanyahu since 2019 rumbled on. Now, the prime minister leads a public and parliament that, apart from a few notable exceptions, appears united behind his leadership and its new attacks upon an old enemy, Iran. That is despite the unprecedented attacks that Israel has faced over the past week with ballistic missiles crashing into Tel Aviv, Haifa and other Israeli cities – killing at least 24 Israelis. On Monday, a poll conducted by Israel's Channel 14 showed 'overwhelming' public support for the prime minister with editorials and coverage across much of the Israeli media similarly supportive of the prime minister. On Tuesday, one of the country's leading newspapers, The Times of Israel, echoed the claims of politicians, such as Lapid, that Iran was committing war crimes in response to Israel's unprovoked attacks on Friday, itself deemed illegal by some legal scholars. No mention was made of the accusations of genocide against Israel being considered by the International Court of Justice or the warrants for war crimes issued against Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant by the International Criminal Court. 'Through a [long] campaign led by Netanyahu and others, the idea that Iran is the source of all anti-Israeli sentiment in the region, not the plight of the Palestinians, who are occupied and subjected to ethnic cleansing, has largely become entrenched within Israeli politics,' Israeli political analyst Nimrod Flaschenberg said of the dramatic political unity that has followed on the heels of Friday's attacks. 'The idea that Iran is the source of all evil has become embedded across Israeli society.' However, Netanyahu has squandered support before, and he may do so again. Much like in Gaza, Netanyahu has set maximalist war aims. In Gaza, it was a 'total victory' over Hamas while with Iran he has said Israel will end Iran's nuclear programme and even suggested the possibility of regime change in Tehran. Netanyahu may find once again that it is easy to start wars but not to finish them in a manner that is satisfactory to his political base. 'Netanyahu is making a big gamble,' Dov Waxman, professor of Israel studies at the University of California-Los Angeles, told Al Jazeera. 'If the war doesn't succeed in destroying Iran's nuclear programme or forcing Iran to make unprecedented concessions to reach a new nuclear agreement, then it will be considered a failure in Israel, and this will no doubt hurt Netanyahu politically. And if the war drags on and Israeli casualties continue to mount, then Israeli public opinion may well turn against the war and blame Netanyahu for initiating it.' However, the degree to which a change in the public and political mood may act as a check upon Netanyahu and his government is unclear. Netanyahu has repeatedly ignored the public pressure to find a deal to secure the release of Israeli captives held in Gaza with some government members even directly criticising family members of captives. 'Netanyahu has just weeks, maybe even days, of public support left to him if the damage continues,' Flaschenberg said, 'But as we've seen in Gaza, that doesn't really matter. So if he does stretch it out, as part of his apparent policy of endless war, then that's what he'll do. The only thing that can really stop this new war is a decisive stand by the US. That's it.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store