Inside the mind of a monster — understanding the psychology of child abusers

Daily Maverick

2 days ago

With more than 13,000 child abuse crimes reported in 2023/24, experts warn that perpetrators often hide in plain sight as teachers, clergy and even parents. Daily Maverick explores who these perpetrators are and whether they can ever be rehabilitated.
Year after year South Africans are inundated with sobering statistics painting a heartbreaking picture of the severity of the scale of crimes committed against children. From murder, to rape and kidnappings, daily newsfeeds are polluted with these disturbing stories.
Childline South Africa has reported receiving more than 500 calls a day related to child abuse and neglect.
In 2023/24, the South African Police Service's (SAPS) annual crime report revealed that 13,053 crimes against children were reported in that period.
The Teddy Bear Clinic, which provides psychosocial support for victims of child abuse, reportedly sees at least 800 clients a month.
Some of the most high-profile cases of crimes against children in South Africa have shocked the nation, not only for their brutality but because of who the perpetrators are. From mother and father, to teachers and caregivers, these cases expose a disturbing truth: child abuse is rarely committed by strangers.
Instead, it is often hidden in plain sight – behind familiar faces, inside homes, classrooms and churches. These stories force us to confront uncomfortable questions about who abuses children, why they do it and if the justice system in its current form is equipped to stop this from happening.
In a chilling exploration of child abuser psychology, experts set out the diverse yet disturbingly familiar faces of perpetrators, ranging from violent outcasts to charming community leaders, and the burning question of whether cycles of child abuse can be broken.
But, they warn against simplistic profiling and note that even among individuals raised in the same household or with similar backgrounds, only one may go on to commit such crimes. This underscores the intricate and unpredictable interaction between individual characteristics and environmental influences.
The perpetrator's labyrinth
Understanding the psychology of child abusers is a complex, often disturbing endeavour.
Dr Marcelle Londt, former head of the Department of Social Work at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) with 43 years' experience working with victims and perpetrators of sex crimes inside and outside South Africa's prison system, states firmly:
'There's no typical profile. They're a heterogeneous group.' However, her extensive clinical and academic work reveals common characteristics and behavioural patterns that offer a chilling glimpse into the minds behind these crimes.
Rigid religious families
One significant group emerges from 'extremely rigid religious families', presenting a high moral standing while harbouring a dark, clandestine side involving child pornography or child sex workers.
Londt notes the profound cognitive dissonance: 'It's difficult for people to understand, here's this man of God… yet there's this dark side to him.' This high religiosity, coupled with a rigid moral ground and shamefulness around psychosexual development, creates a volatile dynamic where secret, illicit behaviours can flourish.
Adverse childhood experiences
Another category comprises individuals from 'very chaotic backgrounds,' often marked by 'very, very bad experiences, adverse child experiences'. These individuals tend to be more violent, frequently cycling in and out of prison, directing their anger and chaos at society.
'They were born into families where they would not have a hope or a chance of making a good life for themselves,' Londt said, explaining how early life trauma can fuel a cycle of aggression and reoffending.
Perpetrators who pose as 'nice guys'
Perhaps the most insidious group are the 'nice guys'. Londt describes them chillingly: 'They look like us. They behave like us. They even smell better than us. And you'll find them in churches. You'll find them in leadership.'
These individuals are highly seductive, luring victims into relationships and leaving these victims with a profound sense of guilt, believing they could have prevented the abuse.
These perpetrators' ability to present as respectable members of society makes them particularly dangerous, since they often go undetected for long periods.
One case of this was in 2016, when convicted paedophile Brian Shofer (58) was found dead in his Lentegeur police station cell after apparently hanging himself with a mattress lining, just days after appearing in court on a rape charge.
Shofer, who had previously been jailed for sexually abusing boys on the Cape Flats, was arrested earlier in the week of his death for allegedly raping a boy over several years, beginning when the victim was 12.
Shofer had worked as a private tutor for children, and was seemingly respected in the community before his atrocities came to light.
The incestor
A specific, deeply disturbing subset is the 'incestor', whom Londt describes as a paedophile 'too lazy to go and find his own victims'.
These individuals often target single parents with psychosocial challenges and multiple children, creating opportunities for increased access by encouraging sleepovers for children and their friends.
Londt vividly likens them to 'the lion who lays in wait at the water hole, where animals come and drink water', suggesting a predatory, opportunistic nature built for 'choice'.
Empathy deficit, childhood trauma and wounded origins
Beyond these categories, Londt identifies common personality issues and traits across many offenders. While not necessarily psychiatrically ill, they exhibit traits of narcissism, sadism, self-centredness and profound deficits in empathy.
'If you show one of those guys a picture of a burn victim, they will go all out to get support for that victim… You show him a picture of his 10-year-old daughter that was brutally molested, raped by him. He doesn't share the same empathy for his victim,' she said.
This lack of victim empathy is a critical indicator; those who truly understand their risk and show genuine remorse are the ones most likely to make drastic life changes to prevent reoffending.
The role of substance abuse is also significant. Londt notes that many offenders have 'mood affective disorders' (like bipolar traits, though she stresses such diagnoses don't automatically lead to abuse) and that drug use, particularly sexual stimulants, could make offenders 'completely indiscriminate', targeting anyone from infants to the elderly.
The most dangerous, however, are the sadistic individuals who, said Londt, 'don't just want to molest or rape, they want to hurt, maim and kill. And those are the people that can never be in society. They're not, they can't, be rehabilitated at all.'
These individuals exhibit downright cruel behaviour with no concern for consequences, and no concern for rules.
Propensity to rationalise, minimise and blame
A disturbing aspect of perpetrator psychology is their propensity to rationalise, minimise and blame. Londt confirms that during interviews or therapy, abusers 'rationalise, they lie, they manipulate. And when you confront them, they blame the victim.'
This denial extends even to child victims, with abusers claiming the child 'wanted it' or making other perverse justifications, such as 'I raped her because she wanted to have sex with me'.
This rationalisation, the minimising, the justification and denial comes with the territory, Londt said, and makes genuine rehabilitation incredibly challenging.
Intergenerational nature of violence
Professor Shanaaz Matthews adds another layer to understanding perpetrator psychology by highlighting the intergenerational nature of violence. She explains that violence against women and children co-occur in the same households, leading to a cumulative effect of the trauma and an intergenerational cycle of violence.
Children exposed to violence learn that 'using violence is okay', leading to bullying behaviour and, later, an increased risk of perpetrating violence themselves.
This learned behaviour, coupled with damaged early emotional attachments due to a lack of 'caring adult' figures, profoundly shapes individuals' ability to form secure relationships and parent effectively.
Matthews's work with violent men in prisons shows that adverse childhood experiences can and do shape men who take on violent masculinities, who become really violent men.
She said the ability to be empathetic and form secure emotional attachments is learnt early on, and a deficit in this area can lead to skewed expectations in adult intimate relationships.
However, she cautions against profiling, noting that even within the same family, only one individual might become a perpetrator, demonstrating the complex interplay of individual and environmental factors.
Breaking the cycle
Can cycles of child abuse be broken? The answer is complex, requiring a multipronged approach that combines rigorous rehabilitation with robust prevention.
Londt believes that some perpetrators can be held accountable and respond to community-based programmes, while others require imprisonment first.
However, she maintains that, with a third group of people, 'nothing can be done with them. They will come out and they'll keep on perpetrating.'
For those capable of change, meaningful behavioural shifts are possible, but demand profound self-awareness.
Londt's programme, Catts (Child Abuse Therapeutic and Training Services), focuses on helping offenders understand the mechanisms of what they did and how they maintain it, including grooming strategies and how they removed protective measures from victims.
The primary goal of any perpetrator intervention is the principle of no more victims. Londt said another aspect of this was to hold perpetrators accountable, restore their dignity and equip them with skills to prevent relapse, rather than simply amplifying their guilt and shame.
Both experts strongly advocate for early intervention. Matthews stresses that to shift it is very hard, but it is possible in adulthood. However, it requires far more work than what it is to intervene early.
Matthews said that prevention interventions are needed all along the life cycle, including identifying at-risk families during pregnancy, improving parenting practices and providing trauma-informed programming really early on with children who have been exposed to violence.
Schools, she said, were a great platform for delivering scalable programmes that teach life skills and social-emotional capacity, transforming schools into places of safety and learning.
Londt also stressed that society must acknowledge that, systemically, 'if we don't clean up our society, if we don't stop cutting funding for programmes that are supposed to strengthen families, if we don't look at where our adolescence is going', the individual pathology will not be enough to stem the tide. DM