
Belarus's strong-arm leader Lukashenko cruises to reelection
Unlike in 2020, when Tikhanovskaya was allowed to run against Lukashenko and declared herself the winner, Sunday's election was a tightly controlled and tame affair, featuring only candidates loyal to the president. None expressed any desire to actually defeat Lukashenko, who has ruled Belarus with an iron fist since 1994.
Advertisement
Tikhanovskaya, out of the country since 2020, did not take part in Sunday's election and was instead in Warsaw, Poland, leading a protest against Lukashenko, who mocked her efforts and claimed that US President Trump had cut off funding to her opposition movement in exile. He appeared to be referring to an executive order last week that halted virtually all foreign aid for a 90-day reassessment period.
Three candidates running against Lukashenko, according to the exit poll, garnered less than 2 percent of the vote each. A fourth, the leader of the Communist Party, Sergei Syrankov, captured 2.7 percent.
At a televised election debate last week, which the president did not join, Syrankov, saying he wanted to be 'honest,' acknowledged: 'Everyone in this studio knows that Alexander Lukashenko is going to win.'
With all of Lukashenko's prominent opponents either in jail or in exile and Belarus's media outlets all cheering for the incumbent, the result was a foregone conclusion. But it is one that still mattered to the president, who is eager to show his country — and also President Vladimir Putin of Russia — that the turmoil of 2020 has been tamed.
Advertisement
In a statement Sunday, the European Union's foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, described the election as a 'sham' that 'has been neither free, nor fair.'
But foreign election observers, drawn from far-right political parties like Alternative for Germany and other pro-Russian groups, hailed the vote as a triumph for democracy and denounced tart criticism of the election by the European Parliament and other institutions. 'They say that there is a dictatorship here, but I don't think so — the reality in Belarus is completely different,' Krastyo Vrachev, an observer representing a fringe nationalist party from Bulgaria, told Belarus's state news agency. 'People are calm and communicate with ease, in Europe this is not at all the case,' he added.
The election was certainly calm, so much so that Lukashenko barely bothered to campaign, saying he was too busy to take part in a debate with four, state-selected rival candidates or to hold rallies. In a nod to conventional politics, however, last week he signed a decree raising pensions by 10 percent starting Feb. 1.
A recent survey of public opinion in Belarus by Chatham House, a British research group, indicated widespread dissatisfaction with the economy, which has been hit hard by economic sanctions imposed on the country over its support for Russia's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Just 11 percent of respondents were definitely satisfied with the economy, while only 32 percent said they supported Russia's invasion.
Lukashenko's main appeal, according to the survey, is his 'favorable image' as a 'politician striving to prevent Belarus from being involved in the military conflict following the Russian invasion of Ukraine.'
Advertisement
Russian troops used Belarus as a staging ground for an initial, abortive thrust toward Kyiv in early 2022, but Lukashenko has resisted pressure from Moscow to send Belarus's troops to join the fight against Ukraine.
After casting his vote Sunday in Minsk, the capital of Belarus, Lukashenko predicted that 'there will be some kind of resolution this year,' to the conflict, adding that Trump 'is not an idiot, not a fool' and recognizes that 'you can't push us around,' referring to Belarus and Russia. 'We will see light at the end of the tunnel this year,' he said of the war.
While delighting in taunting the West, particularly neighboring Poland, and displaying his loyalty to Russia, Lukashenko has in recent months signaled a desire to improve frosty relations with Western capitals by releasing political prisoners.
This process, widely seen as an effort to get relief from Western sanctions, continued Friday when Lukashenko pardoned 15 more prisoners, including five people jailed for 'extremist crimes,' a blanket term used to describe criticism of the president. The names of those released were not made public.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in a social media post Sunday, indicated that they included a US citizen whom he identified as Anastasia Nuhfer 'who was taken under JOE BIDEN!' he said in the post. Rubio said Nuhfer had been 'unilaterally released' thanks to Trump's leadership.
At a news conference in Minsk on Sunday, Lukashenko denied that he was releasing prisoners to curry favor abroad, saying, 'I don't give a damn about the West.' He said his decision to set some people free 'is based on the principle of humanity.'
Advertisement
None of Lukashenko's most prominent opponents, who include Tikhanovskaya's husband, Sergei, have been set free. The United States and European Union have left sanctions in place.
This article originally appeared in
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
Russia warns US not to help Israel militarily against Iran
MOSCOW (Reuters) -Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov warned on Wednesday that direct U.S. military assistance to Israel could radically destabilise the situation in the Middle East, where an air war between Iran and Israel has raged for six days. In separate comments, the head of Russia's SVR foreign intelligence service, Sergei Naryshkin, was quoted as saying that the situation between Iran and Israel was now critical. Ryabkov warned the U.S. against direct military assistance to Israel or even considering such "speculative options," according to Russia's Interfax news agency. "This would be a step that would radically destabilise the entire situation," it cited him as saying. Earlier, a source familiar with U.S. internal discussions said President Donald Trump and his team were considering a number of options, including joining Israel in strikes against Iranian nuclear sites. On Tuesday, Trump openly mused on social media about killing Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, but said "We are not going to take him out (kill!), at least not for now." Israel launched air strikes last Friday against Iran's nuclear sites, scientists and top military leaders in a surprise attack that Russia condemned as unprovoked and illegal. Iran has responded with missile and drone attacks on Israeli cities. Russian President Vladimir Putin, who in January signed a strategic partnership treaty with Iran, has called for a cessation of hostilities between the two sides.


The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
Five reasons Trump should renew US engagement in NATO
At next week's NATO Annual Summit in the Netherlands, leaders of the 32 alliance members will come together to discuss priorities and the way ahead for NATO at a time when Russia and China pose pressing security threats. President Trump should pivot towards strengthening the transatlantic organization — here are the five reasons why. First, Russian President Vladimir Putin is playing the United States. He does not want peace in Ukraine. Russia is the antagonist in this conflict, and conditions for Ukraine are slowly worsening with each passing day. To end this trajectory, options are to punish Russia financially or to strengthen Ukraine militarily. Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) recently met with Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky and wholeheartedly believe Putin is preparing for a new offensive, despite the high costs. More to the point, a June 2 meeting between Ukrainian and Russian officials in Istanbul, ostensibly to end the war, ended abruptly after less than 90 minutes with no real discussion about peace. If Trump draws back from the negotiations without demonstrating strength towards Russia, Putin will get exactly what he wants — in the end, control over Ukraine and a reformatting of Europe's security structure. Second, NATO has stood by the U.S., and Trump should be proud to return the favor with respect to transatlantic security. The only time NATO invoked Article V (treating an attack on one member as an attack on all) was right after the 9/11 attacks on the U.S. If the U.S. fails to remain engaged in NATO, the world could see an escalation to the war more broadly on the European continent. Europe will take more responsibility for its own security, but it needs time to build credible conventional forces and will still depend on the U.S. nuclear umbrella. Trade between the U.S. and the European Union is one of the most expansive in terms of absolute dollars on the global stage coming in at $975 billion in 2024. Market disruptions would be cataclysmic if war expanded to include countries on NATO's eastern flank. Russia will seek to test the resolve of the alliance if it perceives that the U.S. is doubting its commitments. Accordingly, the U.S. must maintain at least a credible forward presence of its military alongside our allies to deter Russia's ambitions from moving westward and strongly uphold Article V. The alternative hurt both the U.S. and European Union economically. Third, a robust relationship with NATO will leave Trump with a freer hand to deal with China. Continuous Chinese military capability and capacities are an increasing threat. On one side, China wants to be a large economic partner to both Europe and the U.S. On the other hand, its security policy actions are detrimental to a constructive relationship with the West. The strategic partnership between China and Russia should be monitored closely — not least the Chinese support enabling Russia's war in Ukraine. U.S. engagement with NATO will improve coordination to deal with this dual threat. Fourth, NATO engagement will provide the U.S. with improved collective intelligence sharing. Joint and combined Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance is an important capability to forewarn NATO (including the U.S.) of impending threats. Moreover, NATO members each have unique intelligence gathering capabilities and, as was the case in the leadup to the February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, NATO countries should be transparent with the processed intelligence they prepare. Unlike China and Russia, the U.S. benefits from a wide intelligence network, and this collective intelligence sharing could be quite useful regarding antagonistic states, terrorism and President Trump's Golden Dome initiative. U.S. engagement at the summit should press NATO countries to continue to be transparent with intelligence sharing, especially on threats to Alliance member countries. Fifth, NATO engagement will help enhance cyber capabilities — another asymmetric capability that all adversaries of the United States use, as highlighted in the most recent Annual Threat Assessment. Moving beyond cyber defense, discussion at The Hague Summit should press for computer network operations, and more specifically computer network attack and computer network exploitation capabilities. Adversaries such as Russia and questionable actors such as China are using these tools against NATO members and allies alike. Not only does NATO benefit, but all member countries, especially the United States, would realize advantages as well. The fact that the NATO alliance has survived more than 75 years is quite significant. That said, the alliance cannot rest on its laurels. The U.S. plays a pivotal part in moving forward with serious discussion regarding these five issues. The security of both the U.S. and Europe is at stake. Tom Røseth, Ph.D. is an associate professor at the Norwegian Defence University College and founder of its Ukraine Program. He is coauthor of 'The 'Five Eyes' Intelligence Sharing Relationship: A Contemporary Perspective.' John Weaver, DPA, is a professor of Intelligence Analysis at York College and author of 'NATO in Contemporary Times: Purpose, Relevance, Future.'


Atlantic
an hour ago
- Atlantic
Why Isn't Russia Defending Iran?
Iran is suffering blow after blow, and Russia, its most powerful supporter, is apparently not prepared to do much of anything about it. Not long ago, backing the West's least-favorite power in the Middle East had its uses. In prosecuting his war of attrition in Ukraine, Vladimir Putin has made confrontation with the West the organizing principle of his foreign policy. In that context, edging closer to Iran and its partners in the 'Axis of Resistance' made sense. Tehran was also an important supplier: It delivered Shahed drones for Russian use in Ukraine at a moment when these were particularly crucial to Moscow's war-fighting capacity. Then came the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, followed by Israel's brutal war in Gaza. Leaning into pro-Palestinian and anti-Western sentiment allowed Russia to score points with global public opinion. But dynamics that initially seemed to benefit Russia quickly became a strategic headache. First, Israel devastated Iran's partners Hamas and Hezbollah; then, in April and October 2024, Iran attacked Israel directly with strikes that yielded only minimal damage, suggesting that Iran's missile capabilities were not all that formidable. Israel retaliated, impairing Iran's missile production and air defenses, including its Russian-made S-300 missile systems. Suddenly, Iran looked weak, and Russia had a choice: It could shore up its Middle Eastern ally, or it could cut its losses in a troubled region. That Moscow could not or would not intervene decisively on behalf of its anti-Western partners in the Middle East became obvious in December 2024, when Syrian rebels ousted Bashar al-Assad, Russia's longtime ally. Iran and Russia continued to cooperate in areas such as electronic warfare and satellite development, and they even signed a strategic-partnership treaty in January. But Russia declined to give Iran the support it would have needed—say, advanced fighter jets or sophisticated air defenses—to deter or better defend itself against further Israeli attacks. The truth is that Russia has always had limits as to how far it would go in supporting Iran. The Kremlin's obsessive anti-Western agenda elevated the Islamic Republic's importance as a partner, but Putin still has other interests in the region—a long-standing, if complicated, relationship with Israel and a need to coordinate with OPEC on oil prices, for instance—and so remained mindful of Israeli and Gulf State red lines when it came to defense cooperation with Iran. What's more, Russia was never going to risk military entanglement on behalf of its partner, especially not while it has had its hands full closer to home. Finally, Russia may no longer have much appetite for cooperating with Western states in curbing the spread of nuclear weapons, but it has never wanted Iran to cross the nuclear threshold. The Kremlin takes American warnings on this score seriously and has sought to avoid U.S. military action against Iran. And it has never wished for Iran to acquire the global status that nuclear weapons would confer—among other reasons, because Moscow knows that it would lose leverage over a nuclear Iran. Russia stands to gain some advantages from a protracted war between Iran and Israel. The fighting would torpedo President Donald Trump's attempts to broker a nuclear deal with Iran—making the United States look weak and highlighting its inability to keep Israel on a leash. Oil prices would stay elevated, especially if Iran were to close the Strait of Hormuz. This would relieve some pressure on Russia's state finances. U.S. missile interceptors—and world attention—would be diverted from Ukraine to the Middle East. Sure, Iran would have to stop sending Russia weapons for an indefinite period. But Russia has already succeeded in localizing the production of Iranian-designed drones and sources the components from elsewhere. Still, Iran's humiliation at the hands of a U.S. ally can hardly please Russia's leaders. Israel has already claimed freedom of movement in the skies over Iran. Russia may also worry that a long war in Iran could destabilize the South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia), where Russia has interests but for which it has had precious little bandwidth during the war in Ukraine. Nor would Moscow welcome unrest that hastens the end of the Iranian regime. A cornered Iran could also lash out, leave the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, or dash for the bomb, laying bare the limits of Moscow's leverage over Tehran. Russia would probably like to avoid having Iran go nuclear—but it would also prefer not to see the U.S. sweep in with military action that further weakens Iran. On Saturday, Putin congratulated Trump on his birthday and offered to support U.S. efforts to negotiate with Iran (he had made a similar offer in early March). Ever since the inauguration, Moscow has been signaling its appetite to work with Washington on geopolitical dossiers—in part to stall on a Ukraine cease-fire. Iran presents a rare opportunity for Putin to return to the stage of great-power diplomacy by negotiating an issue of global consequence. The question is: What can Russia bring to the table? A defenseless Iran will not respond well to Russian sticks, and in any case, Moscow is unlikely to take a punitive approach to Tehran. Russia may not have shown up as Iran's knight in shining armor, but the two countries are still partners, and they are fundamentally united in an anti-Western agenda. Russia also has few meaningful carrots to offer Iran at this point and will be cautious about providing military equipment in a moment when Israel is systematically destroying it. And Putin is not someone who likes to openly side with what appears to be the losing party. Russia can potentially play a practical role in a future agreement, having offered to remove Iran's highly enriched uranium and convert it into civilian-reactor fuel for Tehran. But Russia's technical schemes cannot bridge what is a fundamental political divide between a U.S. administration that insists on zero enrichment and an Iran that views such a demand as a call to surrender. Strategically isolated and acutely vulnerable, Iran will be even more distrustful of the United States than it was before Israel's attack, and it will want Russia involved for at least the appearance of balance. But Russia has little influence over the outcome of the war, Iran's next steps, or Washington's decision as to whether it will engage militarily. When it comes to shaping events far from Russia's borders, Moscow is only so interested and only so able, particularly given its deep investment in the war in Ukraine. Having anti-Western partners in the Middle East serves its purpose. But no one should hold their breath waiting for Russia to come to the rescue of Iran.