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Assad's fall in Syria turned Turkey and Saudi Arabia from rivals to partners; Will it last?

Assad's fall in Syria turned Turkey and Saudi Arabia from rivals to partners; Will it last?

BEIRUT: Sunni regional powerhouses Turkey and Saudi Arabia have had a complicated and often contentious relationship over the years. But their ties warmed significantly after Bashar Assad was toppled in neighboring Syria in a lightning rebel offensive in December.
Since then, Turkey and Saudi Arabia have worked to stabilize the new government in Damascus and usher Syria back into the international fold.
It was no surprise then that the first trips abroad that Syria's insurgent-leader-turned-President Ahmad al-Sharaa made were to the kingdom's capital of Riyadh and Ankara, Turkey's capital.
That new Turkey-Saudi amiability was on display during U.S. President Donald Trump's visit to the Middle East earlier this month, when he held a surprise meeting with al-Sharaa in Riyadh. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman was in the room, while Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan joined the meeting by phone.
When Trump announced he was lifting sanctions imposed on Syria, he credited both the crown prince and Erdogan with persuading him to make the move.
Roots of a rocky relationship
There have been 'both regional and ideological reasons' for the Turkey-Saudi rivalry in the past, according to Sinem Cengiz, a Turkish researcher at Qatar University's Gulf Studies Center.
Both countries enjoy the status of so-called 'middle powers' — states that are influential globally but lack the clout of great powers — which has 'fueled competition for regional dominance,' she said.
The two also have different approaches to political Islam. Turkey has backed the Muslim Brotherhood, a pan-Arab Islamist movement that Saudi Arabia considers a terror organization, as do several other Middle East countries.
After the 2011 Arab Spring swept across the region, Turkey openly supported the popular uprisings while the kingdom remained circumspect. However, both Ankara and Riyadh backed anti-Assad factions in Syria's 13-year civil war.
When Saudi Arabia and Qatar, another wealthy Gulf Arab state, had a diplomatic blowup in 2017, Turkey sided with Qatar.
The lowest point in relations came in 2018 when a Saudi hit squad killed Jamal Khashoggi — a Saudi citizen and U.S. resident who wrote critically about the Saudi government for The Washington Post — at the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul.
Turkish officials — who had access to audio recordings from inside the consulate — alleged that Khashoggi was killed in a premeditated operation by Saudi agents and dismembered with a bone saw. Prince Mohammed acknowledged the killing came under his watch but denied he ordered it, though U.S. intelligence agencies believe that he did.
How did Assad's fall improve relations?
Analysts say Assad's fall and the new reality in Syria intensified a thaw that was already underway between the two major U.S. allies.
Hesham Alghannam, a Saudi political scientist and nonresident scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center think tank, says it was an impetus that 'significantly transformed Turkey-Saudi relations."
Their interests aligned in a post-Assad Syria, so the two shifted 'from rivalry to pragmatic cooperation,' Alghannam said.
Ankara and Riyadh shared concerns about Iran's outsized influence in Syria under Assad — which disappeared with Assad's ouster — and the two now want to insure Tehran' doesn't stage a comeback, he added.
They also had their own security concerns in Syria — Turkey because of its long unstable border with Syria and Turkish insurgent Kurdish groups that have sought safe havens with Syrian Kurds.
For its part, the kingdom has worried about the smuggling of the highly addictive Captagon in the region, an amphetamine-like stimulant that had been a main source of revenue for Assad.
'Their mutual need to counter Iran, manage Syria's instability, and shape a Sunni-led government (post-Assad) has fostered a partnership,' Alghannam said.

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One of the enduring myths Indians are told about Pakistan is that the real hurdle to peace is its army, which is a state above the state. It is the Pakistani Army that needs to use terror as state policy against a stronger India, and this, in turn, enables the army to retain extraordinary power. That the Pakistani Army chief was recently elevated to the rank of Field Marshal after an indifferent performance in the short, near-war with India seems to reinforce this statement. Victory or defeat, the army will rule. Let's start with the frequently made statement—partially in jest—that other countries have an army, but in Pakistan, the army has a country. There is surely some truth to this, but we must consider other explanations too. Ask yourself, was the Pakistani state any different at the time of Partition, when its army, then run by British Generals, decided to use tribal forces to overrun and take over Jammu & Kashmir? 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Pakistan, as one unit or many mini-Pakistans, will continue to remain a problem for India, and possibly the world, under army rule or civilian rule. Also read: Asim Munir just stole his 5th star & has nothing to show for it. It'll make him desperate, dangerous Open up for reinterpretation So, what hope is there for peace in the future? The answer lies with thinking and questioning Muslims, who have been intimidated into silence by jihadi elements. It is only when ordinary Muslims start openly questioning the basic tenets of Islam and modifying or reinterpreting them for the modern era that jihadism will start shrinking. It is worth noting that global Islam closed the doors to ijtihad—the use of reason to interpret sacred texts—nearly 10 centuries ago, after briefly trying to begin the process during the 10th and 11th centuries CE. 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The word kafir must be outlawed, for it is does not just mean non-believer, but someone worth dehumanising, and made actionable under the law as a put-down. Till then, we must judge Pakistan or any Islamist nation only in the context of Islamic history and experience. And be ready to defend ourselves. R Jagannathan is former Editorial Director, Swarajya. He tweets at @TheJaggi. Views are personal. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)

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