
Is Yunus flexing street power to counter Bangladesh army chief's ultimatum?
Bangladesh's interim government chief adviser, Muhammad Yunus, stung by army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman's stern instructions to hold early elections, is now playing the victim to rally his supporters on the streets — an attempt to retain power.On Thursday, Nahid Islam, Yunus's close lieutenant who leads the nascent National Citizens Party, told reporters that Yunus had expressed his desire to resign. "After what happened on Wednesday, Dr Yunus feels he cannot continue as chief adviser of the interim government,' he said. However, as of now, there has been no indication of the Nobel laureate doing anything like that.advertisementA March in MayOn the contrary, his supporters are getting ready to fight on all fronts - in the streets, on social media, and on the global stage - to save the Yunus regime.
While many of his detractors compared this to Dharmendra's suicide threat in the film Sholay, his supporters announced a 'March for Yunus' at Dhaka's Shahbagh on Saturday. Posters around the city called on people to join the march with slogans like "Keep Yunus in power for five years' and 'Reforms first, elections later'.Shahbagh is a popular protest spot in Dhaka, made famous by the 2013-14 rallies demanding punishment for the 1971 war criminals — Islamist radical leaders who supported the Pakistan Army during the Bangladesh Liberation War. But now these leaders are the strongest backers of Muhammad Yunus's interim regime, trying to use him as a front to pursue their agenda of turning Bangladesh into a theocracy. They are calling for the abrogation of the 1972 secular Constitution by announcing the July Declaration, a proclamation that could be followed by toppling President Mohammed Shahabuddin Chuppu and possibly replacing him with Yunus.advertisementYunus's critics allege that he intends to be president until his death, like North Korea's Kim Jong Un.Yunus promises to turn Bangladesh into another Singapore — but only if he continues to rule without being elected. His backers in the West, who attacked Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina for 'murdering' democracy, now seem to have no problem with an unelected leader blocking elections with all possible excuses. This is only because he seems to be playing along with their strategic agendas, such as the proposed UN-US Rakhine corridor.General Waker, Major ChallengeOn Wednesday, army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman rubbished Yunus's reform agenda and called for elections by December. He also insisted that the unelected interim government not take any important decisions that could impact stability and Bangladesh's sovereignty, leaving such issues to an elected government in the future.Analysts say General Waker's Wednesday speech was the "first major challenge" to Yunus's authority and a direct riposte to his unconcealed desire to stay in power without facing elections.The army chief has time and again made it clear that he is against a military takeover. All he expects of Yunus is to hold 'free, fair, and inclusive elections' to ensure a smooth, peaceful transition of power to an elected dispensation, after which the army can go back to the barracks. But on Wednesday, he also made it clear that the army will no longer tolerate mobocracy and anarchy, any interference in military matters by the interim government, and any attempt to bypass the military in decisions crucial for Bangladesh's sovereignty and stability. The General insisted that military leadership be consulted in all security and strategic matters and nothing be done 'behind its back'.advertisementOn Friday, Yunus looked to his supporters, especially radical Islamist groups like the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Hifazat-e-Islam, capable of mobilising large bands of students from madrassas, and even criminals from Dhaka's underworld.Around the same time, leaflets allegedly circulated by junior commanders in the army attacked the unelected interim government, blaming it for betraying the spirit of the pro-democracy agitations last year. "No longer will the military, the defenders of the nation, tolerate any mass vendetta campaign that is ripping the country apart and taking it towards chaos and anarchy," said one such leaflet.Blowing SmokeIn the meantime, Yunus supporters were active on social media, trying to float new narratives in defence of the interim government. Yunus's special adviser, Faiz Tayeb, wrote on Facebook, "The army should stop interfering in politics and be mindful of the civilised norms," arguing for Yunus's continued stay in power to implement important reforms.advertisementYunus's colleague in his council of advisers, Syeda Rizwana, contested General Waker's argument that the interim government was put in place to conduct free and fair elections, saying that bringing about reforms and getting justice for 'victims of fascism' was as much part of their agenda as holding the elections. Again, a case of shifting the goalposts.Former army chief Iqbal Karim Bhuiyan warned against 'any repeat of 1/11', a reference to the takeover of the government by a military-backed caretaker in 2006. Bhuiyan, who played an important role in motivating officers to avoid the suppression of last year's anti-Hasina agitation, said in his brief post that the army should avoid getting entangled in any "unconstitutional act" that would only undermine its institutional standing.Sources close to General Waker say that Bhuiyan is missing the wood for the trees because the present army chief is actually trying to restore democracy through participatory elections, unlike Yunus. In fact, Bhuiyan's reference to 1/11 brings back memories of Muhammad Yunus's first attempt to grab power with military backing when he unsuccessfully tried to float a new political party that some derisively referred to as the "King's party". Back then, the military-backed caretaker again tried to extend his tenure by avoiding the constitutional task of conducting elections. Finally, then-army chief General Moeen Uddin Ahmed succumbed to global pressure and organised polls that were swept by Hasina's Awami League.advertisementThe Nobel laureate's king-sized political ambitions are well known, but he lacks the capacity and patience for establishing a political party and carrying it to power through elections. And what was so far unknown to many, including his admirers, was the extent to which he could and would go to hang on to power. In the Bengali countryside, they speak of people who want to bathe without getting wet — Yunus clearly fits that bill.(Subir Bhaumik is a former BBC and Reuters correspondent and author who has worked in Bangladesh as a senior editor with bdnews24.com)(Views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Must Watch
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The Hindu
37 minutes ago
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News18
38 minutes ago
- News18
Disbanding Awami League Could Lead To Identity Crisis For Bangladesh
Last Updated: Awami League led a long political struggle for Bangladesh's emancipation. By rejecting this legacy, Bangladesh might end up shooting itself in the foot On May 10, 2025, the interim government in Bangladesh further amended the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, 1973 through ordinance no. 20, 2025. It thus authorised the tribunal to suspend and prohibit the activities of any political party (including its front organisations), cancel its registration and confiscate its property if found guilty of aiding, inciting or conspiring in any crimes mentioned in the statute. The Yunus administration, however, was unwilling to wait for the tribunal's verdict. On the same day, it hastily announced a ban on all activities of Awami League, pending the disposal of cases against it. On May 8, the Yunus administration had created a second three-member tribunal with former High Court judge Nazrul Islam Chowdhury as its chairman. 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Even the two-party democracy in place since 1991 devolved into confrontational politics, often dubbed the 'battle of the Begums". In 2007, under the caretaker government of President Iajuddin Ahmed, a controversial 'minus two" formula was devised to restore democracy by excluding both Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia from politics. Both leaders were arrested. This unpopular formula faced backlash and was abandoned. It resurfaced recently when BNP General Secretary Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir mentioned it disapprovingly. III Both Sheikh Mujib and Sheikh Hasina exhibited authoritarian tendencies, seeking to eliminate political opponents. Their personalities often overshadowed the party itself. However, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has demonstrated similar tendencies. When in power (e.g., 1991-96 and 2001-06), the BNP attempted to manipulate elections, leading to the introduction of caretaker governments, demonstrating the immaturity of Bangladeshi democracy. Yet, banning Awami League is different. It threatens Bangladesh's identity. Ahmed Sofa (1943-2001), the late Bangladeshi essayist, poet and public intellectual, suggested that while Awami League's triumph might signify the victory of a few leaders, its defeat represents a loss for all of Bangladesh (Bangali Musalmaner Mon, p. 17). This is due to the party's historical roots in the struggle of the people of East Bengal. Sofa acknowledged Awami League's shortcomings, including its superficial secularism, which he considered a political tool incapable of addressing obscurantism and dogmatism within Muslim society, hindering Bangladesh's social progress. Nevertheless, Awami League spearheaded nation-building in East Pakistan, culminating in Bangladesh's independence. Founded as Awami Muslim League Party on 23 June 1949 under Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani (1880-1976), its initial leadership comprised dissidents from the Pakistan Muslim League (formerly All India Muslim League). Before partition, the All India Muslim League prioritised the creation of Pakistan, neglecting governance issues that later plagued the new state. The party became an exclusive clique, restricting membership, which fuelled discord. The East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (estd. 1949) was among several dissident parties emerging from the Muslim League. By the end of 1949, according to Shyamali Ghosh (1990), around 20 opposition parties existed in Pakistan, including 13 in Punjab, eight formed by dissident Muslim Leaguers (The Awami League 1949-1971, p. 2). The Awami Muslim League's influence grew. In the 1954 provincial elections, its alliance with the Krishak Sramik Party, led by A.K. Fazlul Huq, and other smaller parties, campaigning on a 21-point demand (commemorating the Bengali language martyrs of 21 February 1952), decisively defeated the Muslim League, which secured only nine seats compared to the United Front's 229. The United Front's manifesto, essentially Awami Muslim League's charter of demands, was condensed from 42 to 21 points by journalist and lawyer Abul Mansur Ahmad. 'Neither in the manifesto of Awami League nor in that of Krishak Sramik Party", notes Justice Muhammad Munir (1979), 'was there any reference to Islam or the Quran and Sunnah" (From Jinnah to Zia, p. xvii). At its Dacca session from October 21-23, 1955, Awami Muslim League dropped 'Muslim" from its name. The Awami League (1956) advocated for abolishing separate electorates, a colonial legacy. Prime Minister H.S. Suhrawardy, leading a coalition of Awami League and the Republican Party, piloted the Joint Electorate Bill on 10 October 1956. Joint electorates were introduced in East Pakistan, but separate electorates remained in the west, highlighting Pakistan's internal divisions. 'In spite of economic backwardness", comments Badruddin Umar, 'East Bengal was an advanced region in respect of social, cultural and political developments. Owing to its cultural and political backwardness and predominantly feudal composition of leadership in West Pakistan they cling to old prejudices" (The Emergence of Bangladesh Vol-1, p. 329). On 3 April 1957, the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly adopted a resolution on regional autonomy, moved by Mohiuddin Ahmad of Awami League and addressed by his party colleague and United Front minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Mujib described regional autonomy as crucial for East Bengal. The resolution demanded full autonomy for East Pakistan except for currency, foreign affairs, and defence, which would remain with the Centre. Mujib elaborated on regional autonomy and democracy in his booklet 'Six-Point Formula — Our Right to Live" (March 1966), published during Field Marshal Ayub Khan's military dictatorship (1958-69) after the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War. This Six-Point Formula became Awami League's programme. Ayub Khan attempted to implicate Mujib in the Agartala Conspiracy Case (1968), alleging collusion with India to divide Pakistan. However, he withdrew the case under pressure from public agitation in East Pakistan, compounded by his precarious position in West Pakistan. The 1969 agitations in East Bengal foreshadowed the 1971 uprising. Awami League thus prepared the ground for Bangladesh's independence. It won 167 of 169 East Bengal seats in the 1970 National Assembly elections (total strength 313). Whether Bangladesh would have emerged if Yahya Khan had allowed Mujib to become Prime Minister is debatable. However, the March 1971 uprising demonstrated East Bengal's determination to achieve sovereignty, with or without Mujib, who was imprisoned in Mianwali jail in West Pakistan. top videos View all Awami League's governance has been authoritarian at times, but so has that of the BNP and General Ershad. In a democracy, parties naturally cycle in and out of power. However, banning Awami League creates an identity crisis for Bangladesh. Denying its historical heritage could lead the nation in unpredictable directions. The writer is the author of 'The Microphone Men: How Orators Created a Modern India' (2019) and an independent researcher based in New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 11, 2025, 14:32 IST News opinion Opinion | Disbanding Awami League Could Lead To Identity Crisis For Bangladesh


India Gazette
an hour ago
- India Gazette
Constitution transformed 'untouchables' into equal citizens: CJI Gavai at Oxford Union
New Delhi [India], June 11 (ANI): Many decades ago, millions of Indian citizens were called 'untouchables.' They were told they were impure and that they could not speak for themselves. But here we are today, where a person belonging to those very people is speaking openly as the holder of the highest office in the country's judiciary, said Chief Justice of India BR Gavai. CJI Gavai, the second Dalit and the first Buddhist to hold India's highest judicial office, spoke at the Oxford Union on Tuesday on the theme 'From Representation to Realisation: Embodying the Constitution's Promise'. He highlighted the positive impact of the Constitution on marginalised communities, saying that the Constitution has given people equal place in every sphere of society and power. 'Many decades ago, millions of citizens of India were called 'untouchables'. They were told they were impure. They were told that they did not belong. They were told that they could not speak for themselves. But here we are today, where a person belonging to those very people is speaking openly, as the holder of the highest office in the judiciary of the country. This is what the Constitution of India did. It told the people of India that they belong, that they can speak for themselves, and that they have an equal place in every sphere of society and power,' he said. 'At the Oxford Union today, I stand before you to say: for India's most vulnerable citizens, the Constitution is not merely a legal charter or a political framework. It is a feeling, a lifeline, a quiet revolution etched in ink. In my own journey, from a municipal school to the Office of the Chief Justice of India, it has been a guiding force,' said the CJI. He said the Constitution is a social document, one that does not avert its gaze from the brutal truths of caste, poverty, exclusion, and injustice. 'It does not pretend that all are equal in a land scarred by deep inequality. Instead, it dares to intervene, to rewrite the script, to recalibrate power, and to restore dignity,' CJI said at the gathering. The Constitution of India carries within it the heartbeat of those who were never meant to be heard, and the vision of a country where equality is not just promised, but pursued, he said, adding that it compels the State not only to protect rights but to uplift, to affirm, to repair actively. CJI said that during the framing of India's Constitution, a remarkable and often overlooked truth emerged: many of the nation's most vulnerable social groups were not merely subjects of constitutional concern but active participants in its making. 'From Dalits and Adivasis, to women, minorities, persons with disabilities, and even those once unjustly brandedas 'criminal tribes,' their presence in the Constituent Assembly, and in the broader constitutional imagination, was a collective demand for justice,' said the CJI. He said Dr BR Ambedkar as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution, played a foresighted and defining role in embedding adequate safeguards and affirmative measures into the constitutional text, particularly the principle of representation. 'In an unequal society, he believed, democracy cannot survive unless power is also divided among communities, not just among institutions. Representation, therefore, was a mechanism of redistributing power, not only between the legislature, executive, and judiciary, but among social groups that had been denied a share for centuries, CJI further said. (ANI)