US Senate committee passes measures on Taiwan, mainland China's overseas military growth
The US Senate Foreign Relations Committee approved a slate of China-focused measures on Thursday, including bipartisan bills to counter Beijing's overseas military expansion and bolster Taiwan's role in global finance while advancing the nomination of a former ambassador to lead US diplomacy in East Asia.
The Counter Act of 2025, co-authored by Senators Chris Coons, Democrat of Delaware, and Pete Ricketts, Republican of Nebraska, calls on the US government to develop a strategy to respond to the People's Republic of China's efforts to establish military bases overseas.
The bill states that 'the PRC is likely pursuing access to additional military facilities to support naval, air, and ground forces projection in many countries'. It was co-sponsored by Senators Tim Kaine, Democrat of Virginia; John Cornyn, Republican of Texas; and Elissa Slotkin, Democrat of Michigan.
If passed, the legislation would require the director of national intelligence to submit a classified assessment of risks posed by Chinese bases overseas, and instruct the State and Defense departments to identify at least five locations that pose the 'greatest potential risks'.
It would also establish an inter-agency task force and require quadrennial reviews to maintain a 'proactive posture rather than a reactive posture'.
In May, Coons said that China was using the placement of new bases in strategically important countries to expand its military and economic power.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Asia Times
34 minutes ago
- Asia Times
Li Qiang's realist pitch seeks to reset Sino-Japan ties
In a moment of diplomatic clarity that quickly gained traction across Chinese and international media, Chinese Premier Li Qiang recently remarked: 'China and Japan are neighbors who cannot be moved. Since we cannot move, we should be good neighbors.' This deceptively simple statement carries a deep sense of geopolitical realism. It reflects Beijing's awareness that proximity is not merely a geographical fact—it is a strategic condition that requires sober diplomacy, especially amid rising regional volatility and heated rivalry with the US. Few bilateral relationships in the Indo-Pacific are as fraught and intertwined as those between China and Japan. Rooted in centuries of interaction, marred by the horrors of 20th-century warfare and shaped by decades of economic symbiosis, the China-Japan relationship has historically and recently swung between wary competition and cautious cooperation. In invoking the idea of immutable geography, Premier Li also hinted at a basic truth: China wants stability with Japan, not out of sentimentality but strategic necessity. 'Cannot be moved' is a blunt admission of reality. From Shanghai to Fukuoka, the distance is less than 800 kilometers. Between them lies the East China Sea—an arena of resource disputes, overlapping air defense zones, and naval brinkmanship, but also a vital artery of commerce and energy transit. Despite maritime tensions, this shared body of water anchors both countries in an unavoidable relationship. Li's appeal to geography recalls the thinking of the late Japanese diplomat Yukio Okamoto, who argued that China and Japan are condemned by fate and physics to coexist—so they must learn to do so constructively. The remark also stands in contrast to nationalist or triumphalist rhetoric that often defines Cross-Strait and East Asian discourse. It acknowledges limits. Neither Beijing nor Tokyo can wish the other away. But geographical realism cannot alone extinguish historical angst. Chinese public opinion continues to be shaped by the memory of Japan's wartime occupation. The Nanjing Massacre, Unit 731, and other atrocities are not distant footnotes in Chinese historiography—they are actively remembered and politically relevant. Occasional visits by Japanese leaders to the Yasukuni Shrine or attempts to revise textbooks often rekindle nationalist anger. Conversely, Japan perceives a more assertive China with increasing alarm. Under former Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and now Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, Tokyo has accelerated defense reforms, increased military spending, and deepened security cooperation with the United States, Australia and the Philippines. Its participation in the Quad and increased patrolling of disputed waters signal that Japan is preparing for an era of intensified strategic competition. China interprets these developments as part of a US-led containment architecture. However, even as bilateral tensions simmer, China seeks to compartmentalize relations—keeping economic and diplomatic dialogues open even as strategic distrust lingers. It is impossible to discuss Sino-Japanese relations without referencing their vast economic interdependence. Despite all political turbulence, China remains Japan's largest trading partner. Japanese corporations remain deeply embedded in China's automotive, electronics, and high-end manufacturing sectors. Complex supply chains now stretch from Osaka to Chengdu to Southeast Asia. In this context, Premier Li's words also function as a reminder to safeguard economic engagement at a time when US-led decoupling pressures are mounting. The US is encouraging Japan to join the 'Chip 4' alliance to curtail Chinese advances in semiconductors. For Beijing, ensuring Tokyo does not fully align with Washington's techno-nationalist agenda is of paramount importance. Thus, Li's tone suggests both a pragmatic acknowledgment of tensions and an appeal to maintain economic pragmatism. Li's remarks should also be understood in a broader regional context. Both China and Japan are deeply invested in ASEAN—economically and diplomatically. While China promotes its Belt and Road Initiative and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), Japan continues to focus on high-quality infrastructure, vocational education and developmental aid. This competition is not inherently zero-sum. In fact, ASEAN can benefit from it—so long as it does not become a theater of strategic polarization. As chair of ASEAN in 2025, Malaysia has an opportunity to play the role of stabilizer. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's emphasis on multipolarity, civilizational dialogue and strategic equidistance aligns well with Li's tone. Track 1.5 diplomacy—semi-official dialogues involving academics, former officials, and policy thinkers—hosted in neutral venues such as Kuala Lumpur or Jakarta, could help China and Japan manage tensions. Such efforts would be particularly valuable on non-traditional security issues such as maritime environmental protection, climate governance and crisis communication protocols in the East China Sea. Ultimately, the future of the China-Japan relationship rests on whether the two sides can convert geographical inevitability into a foundation for stable coexistence. That requires strategic empathy, political maturity and a willingness to restrain nationalist impulses. Li's statement, stripped of bravado and couched in sober realism, offers a certain opening. It signals a potential shift away from US-led zero-sum thinking, at least in bilateral terms. For Japan, the challenge will be to balance its alliance with the United States under Donald Trump while maintaining open communication with Beijing. For China, the task is to build trust—not just through words but through consistent maritime behavior, diplomatic discipline and economic transparency. In the final analysis, the lesson is clear: China and Japan cannot ignore or outflank each other. They can either manage their rivalry or risk being overtaken by it. Geography offers no exit—but it does offer a starting point for dialogue. As Asia braces for an uncertain decade, the world will be watching whether two of its greatest powers can indeed become 'good neighbors.'
South China Morning Post
an hour ago
- South China Morning Post
Hong Kong's easier redomiciling policy ‘attracts 150 inquiries from companies'
Authorities have received about 150 inquiries from companies about transferring their legal domicile status to Hong Kong after the recent passage of a law making it easier for businesses to establish themselves in the city, the treasury minister has said. Advertisement Secretary for Financial Services and the Treasury Christopher Hui Ching-yu also said on Saturday that about 180 family offices had been set up or expanded their operations in Hong Kong this year, putting the city on track to surpass its year-end goal of 200. 'Since the enactment of the relevant company re-domiciliation regime legislation on May 23, we have had a very positive response from the market, with inquiries about how [businesses] can do that and the detailed procedures,' he said. 'So far, in terms of inquiries, we have received about 150 of them, and in terms of downloads of the relevant information from our website regarding this new regime, the number is close to 10,000. 'So, I think all these are very positive in terms of how we have been drawing more companies to redomicile in Hong Kong.' Advertisement Manulife (International), the city's biggest pension provider, said on Friday that it planned to redomicile to Hong Kong from Bermuda in November, after rival AXA announced a similar decision soon after the legislation's passage. Hui said that while the redomicile regime was for all eligible companies, insurance firms were particularly interested because of the large volume of business in Asia.
South China Morning Post
an hour ago
- South China Morning Post
South Korea has a new president. Will it have a new China policy?
South Korea's new progressive president is likely to adopt a more 'prudent' stance on Taiwan than his predecessor and focus on boosting economic ties with Beijing , according to observers. But they also expect continuity in trilateral military cooperation with the US and Japan. Lee Jae-myung was sworn in after winning a snap election held on Tuesday, two months after his predecessor – Yoon Suk-yeol – was impeached and removed over his abrupt declaration of martial law in December. Lee and his progressive Democratic Party of Korea are largely regarded as more friendly towards China and North Korea compared to Yoon and his conservative People Power Party. The power shift has prompted speculation about a potential recalibration in Seoul's foreign policy towards the US and fellow American treaty ally Japan, as well as China and traditional adversary North Korea. . During his 2022 presidential campaign against Yoon , Lee faced criticism for describing US Forces Korea (USFK) as 'occupation forces' 03:17 South Korea's new president Lee Jae-myung vows to fix economy, hold talks with North Korea South Korea's new president Lee Jae-myung vows to fix economy, hold talks with North Korea Under Yoon, Seoul emphasised its commitment to the US alliance and stronger three-way cooperation with Washington and Tokyo in addressing security challenges outside the Korean peninsula. This included expressing concerns about People's Liberation Army activities in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea.
