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Iraqi women and ballot paradox: Why they vote for men more than women

Iraqi women and ballot paradox: Why they vote for men more than women

Shafaq Newsa day ago

Shafaq News/ Despite decades of constitutional guarantees and gender quotas, a quiet paradox persists in Iraq's electoral landscape: many women, when faced with the ballot, still choose men over their female counterparts.
Although Iraq's electoral system guarantees women 25 percent of the 329 seats in Parliament—equivalent to 82-83 seats—the disconnect between women voters and female candidates remains strong. Despite this constitutional protection, many female candidates struggle to gain the support of women voters, who often opt for men. This persistent trend raises questions about societal values, political structures, and the image of women in public life.
Human rights activist Sarah Jassim believes this phenomenon is rooted in how female political figures are perceived. Speaking to Shafaq News, she explained that the issue is not a rejection of women's abilities, but the result of negative portrayals and a lack of visible, effective female leadership.
'There is a lack of empowering female role models who truly represent the concerns and aspirations of women,' she says, pointing out that the outcome is a form of internalized doubt that shapes electoral behavior—especially among women themselves.
Jassim challenges the underlying assumptions driving this pattern. 'Has women's trust in other women faded? Or is it the failure of political frameworks that exclude genuine female voices?' For her, the problem lies not in women themselves, but in a political environment that has failed to cultivate and support female leadership.
She calls for a rethinking of Iraq's political discourse—one that promotes leaders who not only meet the quota but genuinely speak for women.
Iraq's representation statistics suggest progress on the surface. Women currently hold 95 out of 329 parliamentary seats, thanks to the quota system. However, most of these seats are secured through the quota, not competitive elections.
Historical figures underline the trend: in the 2006–2010 term, women won 78 seats through the quota and only 21 independently; between 2010 and 2014, the figures were 81 and 15, and from 2014 to 2018, 83 and 20. Few women have gained seats based solely on public support.
Former Iraqi MP and current Secretary-General of the National Civil Movement, Shurooq Al-Abayji, views that the issue goes beyond gender—it reflects a broader skepticism toward the political class. 'This issue is not just about gender but about the overall distrust in the political elite,' Al-Abayji explains to Shafaq News. She emphasizes that many Iraqi women do admire and support female figures, but structural barriers continue to limit their visibility and impact.
'Men still lead most parties and hold top positions, which naturally draws public support toward them,' Al-Abayji adds, arguing that in many rural and tribal communities, male family members often influence how women vote. Cultural norms, limited education, and entrenched gender roles all contribute to the marginalization of women candidates—even among women voters themselves.
Zainab Rabea, Head of the Al-Nakheel Center for Press Rights and Freedoms, highlights a further dimension: the strategic exploitation of women by political parties. She notes that many political alliances view the quota not as a path to empowerment, but as a mathematical requirement to be fulfilled. 'There's an effort to use women to fulfill quotas, particularly in large political alliances and lists, rather than offering them genuine leadership roles,' Rabea tells Shafaq News.
Although Iraq is not short of capable women, Rabea points out that few have been able to establish themselves as influential political figures with public credibility and autonomy. 'I hope the next elections will change this narrative,' she adds, stressing the need for a political culture that embraces women not only as symbols but as leaders.
Despite the appearance of progress, Iraq's political reality reveals a lingering gap between symbolic representation and real empowerment. The tendency of women to vote for male candidates, rather than supporting other women, reflects more than a personal choice—it is the product of decades of marginalization, political exploitation, and cultural conditioning. As Iraq nears another electoral milestone, the key question remains: When will Iraqi women see in one another the leaders they need?

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