
USAID should help those in need, not serve as a slush fund for leftist priorities
I remember growing up as a young child and seeing a logo on my dad's car. The logo had a shield and a handshake — the symbol for the U.S. Agency for International Development or USAID.
At the time, we were living in Niger, in sub-Saharan West Africa. My dad, a Cornell-educated agronomist, helped the people there cultivate the land and grow millet, one of the few crops that could survive in the harsh desert region. My father took a great deal of joy teaching Nigeriens how to feed themselves from the scarce resources that were available to them.
However, there was constant frustration surrounding the money promised to the USAID workers, which never seemed to completely make it down to the people most in need.
The top officials within Nigerien leadership at the time would each take their share from the top. By the time funding trickled down to the villagers, it was often only a fraction of what was promised. As a result, USAID workers like my father had to make do with what they received.
Years later, while I was in Pakistan helping with the relief efforts following the 2005 earthquake there, I recall seeing a USAID tent. I never quite knew what they did because they didn't coordinate with our primary efforts to bring supplies and shelter to the mountainous regions of Kashmir before the harsh winter set in. From what I could gather, the USAID workers at the tent appeared to be operating on their own, so we left them alone while we recovered victims' remains from underneath the rubble.
While I was serving in Iraq, there was a major investigation into a large shipment of computers specifically set aside for school children that suddenly went missing. The USAID workers wanted to know where thousands of laptops had disappeared to. Well, they weren't in the marshlands down in Basrah, that's for sure. Those people didn't even have electricity, much less internet.
In Afghanistan, there was a push for female police officers and empowering gender equality. A lot of these female officers were the first targets of the Taliban after it easily seized control of Afghanistan after the disastrous U.S. withdrawal. While serving in Afghanistan, it dawned on me that the USAID I remembered growing up — my father's agency, bringing people in remote villages in Niger, Zaire, Guinea and Cameroon what they needed — had morphed into an agency that brings people what the aid workers want.
In Pakistan, they wanted blankets and tarps to last through the winter, not gay and transgender-affirming entertainment. In Iraq, they wanted stability, not the Cloud. In Afghanistan, they wanted to be free from the oppressive Taliban that doesn't allow women's voices to be heard in public.
It seems as if those who have taken over USAID in recent years have become more concerned with shaping the world to look like what they think America should look like, rather than giving people in need basic human necessities like food, water and shelter.
The arrogance in the agency is astounding. I witnessed a senior USAID official tell his young cohorts in 2018, 'Don't worry about what Donald Trump wants. Just do what you know is right. Wait him out.'
We discovered this past week, thanks to Elon Musk, that the agency has indeed become the left's slush fund. Besides spending $2.5 million for a DEI program in Serbia, $70,000 for a DEI musical in Ireland, $47,000 for a transgender opera in Colombia and $32,000 for transgender comic books in Peru, we are now finding out that USAID has given millions to Soros-backed enterprises.
As we learn more each and every day of the new Trump administration, the handshake that I remember on the USAID logo as a child seems more like a slap in the face now. While the left cries about unelected officials like Elon Musk and his team who are uncovering waste, fraud and abuse, perhaps they should first take a look at the unelected officials that have run USAID and spent taxpayer dollars to further their own pet projects.
Hung Cao is a retired Navy captain who served in Special Operations for 25 years. He is a refugee from Vietnam and immigrant to the United States after his family escaped in 1975 shortly before the fall of Saigon. Cao was the 2024 Republican U.S. Senate candidate for Virginia.
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USA Today
2 hours ago
- USA Today
Federal cuts hit farmers and food banks: 'It really hurts'
Federal cuts hit farmers and food banks: 'It really hurts' The federal cuts were announced months ago, but farmers and food banks are now seeing the impacts of missed deliveries and canceled orders. Show Caption Hide Caption Farmers brace for cuts to USAID and USDA Farmers, who already operate under thin margins, said funding cuts to programs like USAID, USDA and a new trade war were concerning. Sylvia Tisdale believes in feeding the hungry so much that, at 70 years old, she attempted to climb Mount Kiliminjaro to raise awareness about food insecurity. "The altitude got me," she said with a small chuckle, "but my daughter made it." Three years later, the pastor at Epps Christian Center in Pensacola, Florida, is still passionate about the work she and her volunteers do to feed the hungry. So when one of those volunteers, Mike Stephens, wrote to his local newspaper to highlight the impact of cuts by the Trump Administration to limit expenditures to food pantries and soup kitchens through the United States Department of Agriculture, she understood why. "It hits people hard when they come and can't get as much food," she told USA TODAY, "and it really hurts my volunteers when they have to turn people away." The USDA announced cuts in March to the Local Food Purchase Assistance program and a similar program, the Local Food for Schools Cooperative Agreement totaling more than $1 billion. Scheduled deliveries of food through the USDA's Emergency Food Assistance Program were halted or cut back. The programs are meant to help farmers by paying them for fresh produce that can be distributed to food banks, pantries and schools. It aimed to supply students and people in need with healthy, locally-sourced food. The cuts came as part of the Trump Administration's wider efforts to root out what it considers wasteful spending. When the cuts were announced, multiple outlets cited USDA statements saying the programs were no longer in line with the agency's goals. In a Feb. 13 letter to state and local officials, U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins said the USDA has a "historic opportunity to improve nutrition programs to better serve individuals who need additional support." "Our shared goal should be to lift millions of Americans out of dependency and into hopeful futures and unimagined possibilities," she wrote. "It will require tireless energy and new and innovative approaches to long-ignored problems." USA TODAY has reached out to the USDA for further comment. Pensacola isn't the only place feeling the impact of cuts to federal food programs. In Pennsylvania, Gov. Josh Shapiro recently filed a lawsuit to stop the USDA's elimination of the Local Food Purchase Assistance (LFPA) program, which provides funds for farmers who supply local food banks with fresh produce. Across the country, food banks and the farmers who supply them with the help of federal funds say the cuts are starting to hurt their bottom lines and their ability to feed people in need. 'Clients left crying' Stephens, the volunteer at Epps Christian Center, wrote to the Pensacola News Journal, part of the USA TODAY Network, when a truck full of food they'd expected didn't arrive. "I felt it was sad that a large number of homeless citizens were turned away due to this situation," Stephens wrote in a letter published June 3. "...Clients were left crying in the rain and shivering under the trees without food and groceries." The center serves as many as 300 cars at drive-up food distributions and dozens of homeless people at its soup kitchen, Stephens noted in his letter. Tisdale started the distribution 17 years ago when she saw day laborers early one morning outside a nearby business and made them breakfast. More than 15% of the people in Escambia County are food-insecure, so Tisdale, seeing a need, opened a soup kitchen in one of her church buildings for homeless people and started food distributions for others in need. So far, Tisdale said, the community has helped pick up the slack from the loss of other food sources. But she worries for her clients, most of whom are working people who just need help making ends meet between paychecks. "We are a staple in this community," said Tisdale. "We're open when others aren't." Still, she acknowledged, they've "always operated on a shoestring." "These cuts have affected everybody and every household," she said. For farmers, 'every little bit helps' Tom Croner is a seventh-generation farmer growing corn, soybeans and wheat in Somerset County, Pennsylvania. He said losing LFPA funding will cut into the already-slim margins for him and many other farmers. "Every little bit helps in that respect," Croner told part of the USA TODAY Network. LFPA funds also help farmers employ more sustainable practices than they might otherwise use, he added. Pennsylvania officials say the program benefits both families and the state's agricultural industry: More than $28 million in federal funding goes to 189 farmers, who have supplied nearly 26 million pounds of food to food banks and pantries; and people in need get access to healthy, locally sourced food. The cuts extend well beyond Florida and Pennsylvania: About $11.3 million in Iowa, about $21 million in Arizona, and about $2 million in Delaware. And that's just some of the states seeing significant cuts to food programs. The Iowa Farmers Union, a coalition of family farmers, said in a statement to the Des Moines Register (part of the USA TODAY Network) the impact of federal cuts "is immediate and devastating," adding that "producers who have already planned over $3 million in food sales in 2025 through these programs now face sudden financial uncertainty.' Some small farmers could find themselves facing bankruptcy, said Chris Schwartz, executive director of the Iowa Food System Coalition. More people in need, less food to give them Loree Jones Brown is CEO of Philabundance, a Philadelphia-based nonprofit and part of the Feeding America network that works with more than 350 community-based organizations to distribute food throughout a nine-county area in Southeastern Pennsylvania and South Jersey. She said food pantry operators tell Philabundance they're seeing more people than ever as housing, health care, food and other basic costs of living keep rising. At the same time, there is less food to distribute as a result of federal funding cuts. Still, she said she's hopeful that, even if some funding sources go away, the Trump Administration will provide other ways to feed hungry people in the U.S. Feeding America's Mind the Meal Gap map has a national county-by-county breakdown; Jones Brown said in the nine-county region served by Philabundance, the number of people who have food insecurity went from about 500,000 people in 2021 to 600,000 in 2022 and 629,000 in 2023 (the last year for which they have data). "Clearly, those numbers are moving in the wrong direction," Jones Brown said. Contributing: Jeanine Santucci, USA TODAY; Bethany Rodgers,
Yahoo
5 hours ago
- Yahoo
Padilla cuffed, McIver indicted: Can Congress come back from the brink?
You have lots of places to choose from to get your message out to the press if you're House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La. It's best to get your message out succinctly, clearly and free of interference. So when Johnson decided to boast about the House making good on the first bill to codify DOGE cuts and slash $9.4 billion from USAID and public broadcasting, he stepped just outside the House chamber and into a throng of reporters gathered by the Will Rogers Statue. "Republicans will continue to deliver real accountability and restore fiscal discipline," said Johnson. Reporter's Notebook: Gop Lawmakers Prepare To Slash $9.1B From Usaid, Npr And Pbs In Rare Vote But the Will Rogers Statue area is a major thoroughfare in the Capitol. At the moment Johnson spoke Thursday, dozens of House Democrats were headed toward the office of Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D. They were demanding answers about why federal agents tossed Sen. Alex Padilla, D-Calif., to the ground and handcuffed him during a press conference in Los Angeles with Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem. Read On The Fox News App When Johnson finished talking about reeling in the money for public broadcasting and USAID, reporters only wanted to ask about Padilla. Yours truly included. "Did the federal agents go too far," I asked. "Was that a bridge too far?" A long line of angry House Democrats squeezed past Johnson in the Will Rogers corridor. But because Johnson chose to speak in such a heavily-trafficked locale, Democrats hectored Johnson as they marched to the Senate. "Yes it was!" shouted an unidentified Democrat as she strode past the scrum, answering my question for Johnson. Democrat Senator Forcibly Removed After Crashing Dhs Secretary Noem's Press Conference But Johnson immediately pivoted to what Padilla did, standing up at Noem's press conference to holler questions at her from the back of the room. "It was wildly inappropriate," said Johnson of Padilla as he spoke to the Capitol press corps. "You don't charge a sitting cabinet secretary…" "That's a lie!" shouted another unidentified Democrat. "A lie!" yelled someone else. Rep. Sam Liccardo, D-Calif., stopped to snarl something at the Speaker. But it was impossible to hear over the din. "He was acting like a senator," charged Rep. Dan Goldman, D-N.Y. "Why don't you stand up for Congress!" "Can you respond to these people heckling you Mr. Speaker?" I asked. "I'm not going to respond to that," replied Johnson. The Capitol was pulsing at this point. The crush of House Democrats barged into the office of Thune, who was at the White House. Lucky him. Reporter's Notebook: How The House Is Technically Done With The 'Big, Beautiful Bill' The Democrats then trooped back across the Rotunda and poured into Johnson's office. 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But someone he obviously knew. A fellow lawmaker. Someone from across the aisle with whom he must have a friendship and working relationship. Johnson and Dean spoke in hushed tones as they walked quietly across Statuary Hall. Some in the press corps followed, trying to divine what they were saying. This wasn't an offstage chat back in the Speaker's Suite or on a private telephone call. But it went down in a very public part of the U.S. Capitol. Trump's Spending Bill Heads To Senate Where Republicans Plan Strategic Adjustments To Key Provisions The conversation continued as the duo stopped adjacent to the "British Steps" near the Speaker's Office. Dean clenched both of her hands into fists as she and the Speaker were about to part ways. She lightly touched Johnson on the right arm as he ducked into the Speaker's Office. "Thank you, sir," said Dean. "What were you speaking to the Speaker about?" I asked the Congresswoman. "I just want to keep that to myself," answered Dean. "But the one thing I wanted to say is that it's up to the President to turn the temperature down. Everyone is inflamed. And agitated. But it starts with the President. He said 'I'm talking to the President,'" said Dean. But other Republicans may have tried to dial up the temperature by blasting Padilla. Padilla left Washington earlier in the week to be in LA during the riots. The senator was supposed to start at first base for the Democrats in the Congressional Baseball Game on Wednesday night. Republicans charged that Padilla should have stayed moored in Washington. "He has a responsibility to show up at work not to go make a spectacle," said Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso, R-Wyo. Power Players Or Baseball Players? The History Behind The Congressional Baseball Game "The fact that he's in California and not in D.C. while the Senate is voting means he's not as concerned about doing his job here," said Senate Majority Leader Steve Scalise, R-La. Scalise conceded he had gone home to Louisiana when hurricanes threatened the state. He argued that he "wouldn't go back home to try to stir angst against the federal agents that were coming and help us get back on our feet." Outraged Democrats thundered on the Senate floor, railing against the plight of Padilla. "This is the stuff of dictatorships. It is actually happening," said Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii. "It's despicable. It's disgusting. It is so un-American," said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y. "I think it's unprecedented," said Sen. Mark Kelly, D-Ariz. "It's obnoxious, and it's rather escalatory." But the outrage wasn't limited to Democrats. Us Attorney Alina Habba Announces Rep. Mciver Hit With Federal Charges Over Newark Ice Clash "I've seen that one clip. It's horrible. It is shocking at every level. And it's not the America I know," said Sen. Lisa Murkowski," R-Alaska. The band of Democrats who ran over to Thune's office never did find him. But by nightfall, Thune said he spoke to Padilla, Senate Sergeant at Arms Jennifer Hemingway and tried to contact Noem. "We want to get the full scope of what happened," said Thune. This falls against the backdrop of the feds charging Rep. LaMonica McIver, D-N.J., for assaulting federal agents at a Newark detention facility earlier this spring. These episodes have shaken Congress. Lawmakers wonder what would happen if the shoe were on the other foot. And despite the partisan chasms, they're all lawmakers. They know that if something like this can happen to Padilla, well, they could be next. Confidence and trust are waning. "I remain hopeful that Leader Thune and other Republicans can walk us back from the brink," said Schatz. "But I am not so sure anymore."Original article source: Padilla cuffed, McIver indicted: Can Congress come back from the brink?
Yahoo
10 hours ago
- Yahoo
What Mongolia's New Prime Minister Means for Its Democracy
Gombojav Zandanshatar looks on during a meeting with his counterpart in the Hungarian parliament in Budapest on March 6, 2024. Credit - Tibor Illyes—MTI/AP It's either a triumph for people power or a worrying lurch towards authoritarianism, depending on whom you ask, but Mongolia has a new Prime Minister: Zandanshatar Gombojav, a Russian-educated former banker who previously served as Foreign Minister, Chief of the Cabinet Secretariat, and speaker of the State Great Khural parliament. 'I will work forward, not backward,' Zandanshatar told the State Great Khural, whose lawmakers overwhelmingly approved his elevation to the premiership by 108 out of the 117 members present. 'By respecting unity, we will overcome this difficult economic situation.' They're economic woes that contributed to the downfall of outgoing Prime Minister Luvsannamsrain Oyun-Erdene, who belongs to the same Mongolian People's Party (MPP) but quit after failing to receive sufficient backing in a June 3 confidence vote he called to quell popular protests demanding his ouster. For several weeks, thousands of predominantly young demonstrators have thronged central Ulaanbaatar's Sukhbaatar Square in outrage at the lavish displays of wealth that Oyun-Erdene's son and fiancée posted on social media, including helicopter rides, an expensive engagement ring, a luxury car, and designer handbags. The crowds called for Oyun-Erdene to disclose his personal finances, but he declined saying that they had already been provided to the nation's Anti-Corruption Agency, as required by law. However, public trust in that body and the wider judiciary is scant following a slew of high-profile graft scandals coupled with a conspicuous lack of prosecutions or accountability. 'Oyun-Erdene was the one who was talking about morals, transparency, and corruption,' protest leader Unumunkh Jargalsaikhan, 27, tells TIME. 'But Mongolia is actually degrading when it comes to the economy and freedoms. The corruption scandal was just the spark.' Unumunkh blames rising living costs and torpid wages for driving public anger, especially among young people. Mongolia is facing an economic crunch with government spending rising 20% year-on-year for the first four months of 2025 but goods exports falling by 13% over the same period, owed not least to a 39% decline in coal exports. Still, Oyun-Erdene was dismissive of the protesters and in a statement instead blamed 'a web of interests, tangled like a spider's web' for toppling him. Oyun-Erdene's supporters say his ouster had three drivers: Firstly, and with a dash of irony, his relentless pursuit of official graft, including a draft law his cabinet just submitted that would compel all public officials to justify their income. Secondly, last year's updated Minerals Law, which puts 34% of the equity of 'strategic' mines—defined as producing over 5% of GDP—into a Sovereign Wealth Fund. Today, nine of Mongolia's 16 strategic deposits are privately owned by influential industrialist families. 'Those private companies are very unhappy and completely opposed to 34% belonging to the state,' says Jargalsaikhan Dambadarjaa, a Mongolian broadcaster and political commentator. Read More: The Promise of Nuclear Energy Brings the West to Mongolia The third alleged driver is more contentious: that Mongolian President Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh deviously undermined Oyun-Erdene in order to change the constitution to boost presidential powers and extend term limits from the single, six-year stint currently permitted. True, incoming Prime Minister Zandanshatar's most recent posting was as chief-of-staff to Khurelsukh, who chose to give a midnight speech to the State Great Khural on the eve of Oyun-Erdene's no-confidence vote that urged lawmakers to represent their constituents rather than a single political leader. Despite the MPP having enough lawmakers to reach the 64-vote threshold required to save Oyun-Erdene, his own party deserted him, with the secret ballot totaling just 44 votes for, 38 against. Oyun-Erdene's camp paints Khurelsukh as an aspiring autocrat intent on aligning Mongolia with authoritarian neighbors China and Russia, noting how he hosted Vladimir Putin in Ulaanbaatar in September, flouting an International Criminal Court arrest warrant, and also attended Moscow's Victory Day Parade in May. A doctored photo depicting Khurelsukh as having commissioned a giant golden statue of himself in the manner resembling a Central Asian despot is doing the rounds on social media. However, this narrative has some problems. Gladhanding Putin is a political necessity for landlocked Mongolia, whose 3.5 million population relies on Moscow for 90% of imported gas and petroleum and is completely beholden to Russia for security. 'Turning up in September was Putin showing the rest of the world his middle finger,' says Prof. Julian Dierkes, a Mongolia expert at the University of Mannheim in Germany. 'There was no option for Mongolia to say no.' Moreover, Khurelsukh has proven an internationalist, first addressing the U.N. General Assembly soon after his inauguration in 2021 and returning every year since. (His predecessor, Khaltmaagiin Battulga, rarely showed up.) While not outright condemning Russia's aggression in Ukraine, Khurelsukh's latest UNGA address in September did pointedly voice opposition to 'using force against the territorial integrity and political independence of any state.' Khurelsukh has also repeatedly gone on record to oppose amending the constitution, which was just updated in 2019 to strengthen the legislative branch. 'Honestly, there isn't a lot of worry about the President trying to stay in power,' says Bolor Lkhaajav, a Mongolian political analyst and commentator. Dierkes agrees: 'I call baloney on the 'evil President thesis.'' It's also a thesis that completely ignores the concerns of the Sukhbaatar Square protesters while presuming that things in Mongolia were otherwise rosy and improving under Oyun-Erdene. However, Mongolia's score on the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index had fallen from 35 out of 100 when he came to power in 2021 to just 33 last year. Meanwhile, human-rights groups have condemned the prosecution of peaceful protesters and prominent journalists under his watch. Mongolia's press freedom ranking dropped to 109 out of 180 countries last year, down from 88 in 2023, according to Reporters Without Borders. 'On corruption, he's taken rhetorical actions,' Dierkes says of Oyun-Erdene. 'And on democracy promotion, he's taken negative actions. He is no democracy warrior.' Moreover, while Zandanshatar is clearly close to the President, he is by no means a lacky, being a highly educated career politician—a former visiting scholar at Stanford—with his own power base. Still, what Zandanshatar's rise to the premiership means for Mongolia going forward is a big question. A married father-of-four, Zandanshatar, 55, developed a reputation as a thoughtful, steady speaker of parliament. Following his posting at Stanford, he returned enthused about deliberative polling, which was subsequently employed to gauge public opinion prior to the 2019 constitutional amendment. Zandanshatar does, however, have a democratic deficit given he's one of the few senior MPP figures not to have won a seat in the 2024 election, though he had been elected three times previously. Although choosing a non-lawmaker as Prime Minister is not unprecedented, Dierkes fears this may serve as a 'legitimacy achilles heel' should the winds turn against him. Jargalsaikhan also notes Zandanshatar was one of the proponents of Mongolia's 2006 'windfall tax' on copper and gold mining profits. (The 68% levy—the world's highest—was repealed in 2009 after decimating investor confidence.) Oyun-Erdene had earmarked 14 new mega projects to boost economic growth, including a major expansion of renewable energy and cross-border railway connections with China, which receives 90% of Mongolian exports. He also promised to diversify the country's economy, which is heavily dependent on a mining industry that accounts for a quarter of GDP. But policy continuity is key to attracting the foreign investment necessary to realize these goals. 'Until investment laws are consistent here, investors are going to be wary,' says Steve Potter, an honorary member and former chairman of the American Chamber of Commerce in Ulaanbaatar. 'Constant changes in rules and regulations have long been a problem. Consequently, foreign investment has been very lackluster.' Investor uncertainty isn't the only worry. Having lasted in power four-and-a-half years, Oyun-Erdene was the longest-serving of Mongolia's 18 Prime Ministers since its 1990 democratic revolution. The revolving door of governments and leaders has augmented the idea that parliamentarian democracy is flawed or inherently unsuited to Mongolian society, while rendering a centralized political system more appealing for some—an idea that is being amplified by shadowy actors on social media and galvanized by Oyun-Erdene's tone deaf response to protesters' demands. 'The protests were organic, but instead of showing his financial papers the Prime Minister's response was so political,' says Bolor. 'His reaction showed just how disconnected he was from the people, who only care about how his policies are impacting their daily lives, such as air pollution, unemployment, and corruption.' So while Oyun-Erdene's demise was likely rooted in factional bickering rather than a nefarious power grab, the debacle contains a stark warning that Mongolia's political class needs to start pulling in the same direction for cherished freedoms to be secured. 'Democracy itself is very fragile,' says Jargalsaikhan. 'But it's so important and can only be protected by a thriving parliamentarian system. And we must not lose democracy in Mongolia.' Write to Charlie Campbell at