
From a gilded perch, Trump tries to retain the common touch
WASHINGTON — Back in Donald Trump's first term, his staff decided they'd tuck into his briefing book a few letters from ordinary Americans who'd written to the White House.
Only certain letters made the cut, though.
Aides made a point of sending Trump the flattering mail while holding back the letters panning his work, a White House official in the last term said.
'Someone quite rightly thought that if we wanted to have any chance of him reading them consistently, it would be good if they were positive and praise-worthy,' the person said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
All presidents say they want to keep in touch with typical Americans; few succeed. Everything about the job conspires against unscripted encounters that can enlighten a president about what's truly on peoples' minds.
Armed guards shadow him while protective aides may shield him from bad reviews. Even the few souls who pierce the bubblewrap and get an audience with the president may find themselves too intimidated by the trappings of power to blurt out an unvarnished truth.
'When you are president, you are in a space where everyone comes to you, and most of them are people you've selected to come to you,' said Fred Ryan, who oversaw appointments and scheduling in Ronald Reagan's White House. 'And most people want to bring you good news rather than bad news.'
This time around, Trump is looking and sounding insulated from the voters who put him back in the White House. That's a problem even for a second-term president who may have run his last campaign. Trump's political strength flows from an emotional connection to a loyal base. If he's perceived as oblivious to people's day-to-day concerns, he's at risk of losing a vital grassroots connection that is a source of Republican fealty.
Surrounded by wealth
Trump's travels suggest a homebody on a gilded perch.
By the end of May, he had spent 14 of his 18 weekends at one of his golf clubs or other properties. Over and over, he has returned to his Mar-a-Lago residence, a private club in Palm Beach where the membership fee is $1 million and guests applaud when he enters the restaurant.
Rallies have long been a way for Trump to connect with the " Front Row Joes" and other hardcore voters who travel hundreds of miles and camp out overnight to see him speak live and maybe grab a selfie with him on the rope line. Not having to worry about reelection, he's cut back on rallies, holding just one since the day he was sworn in, versus four in the opening months of his last term.
'He needs to talk to more regular people and listen to them,' said Christopher Malick, 28, who works at a roofing company in Cleveland, Ohio and said he voted for Trump in the last three elections. 'He needs to be talking to people who aren't just his inner circle.'
Billionaires run major parts of Trump's government, and the well-connected get access.
Last month found the president at his golf club outside Washington, D.C. hosting a dinner for 220 crypto investors who'd bought into his meme coin, $TRUMP. The event was advertised as 'the most exclusive invitation in the world.'
With some of the guests clutching their phones to trade on any market-moving news Trump might make, the audience dined on filet mignon and pan-seared halibut as protesters stood outside.
The coin was launched just a few days before Trump was sworn in. One of the guests at the event, Morten Christensen, who lives in Mexico, came away feeling the demonstrators had a point.
'If I was in his [Trump's] position, I personally would not have done that,' Christensen, founder of the crypto company Airdrop Alert, said of the coin's timing. 'It's just a bad look — right before you become the most powerful man in the world.'
Asked how he reaches the working people who elected him, Trump told NBC News' 'Meet the Press' last month: 'I think I get out quite a bit.'
He mentioned a commencement speech he had given at the University of Alabama, hastening to add that he won the state handily in 2024.
'The president since entering politics has showcased a unique way of having his finger on the pulse of the American public,' Harrison Fields, a White House spokesman, said in an interview. 'He stays connected through multiple public appearances in middle America, reading correspondence, being a consumer of the news, and inviting everyday Americans to the White House and to campaign events.'
'While most presidents are driven by staged and stuffy political events, this president has preferred a more organic and authentic approach to connecting with the American people,' Fields added.
Still, Trump is surrounded by wealth.
The world's richest man, Elon Musk, carried out Trump's plan to slash the the government workforce. A billionaire Wall Street executive, Howard Lutnick, is negotiating Trumps' trade deals; a billionaire hedge fund manager, Scott Bessent, is presiding over the U.S. economy; a billionaire real estate magnate, Steven Witkoff, is conducting high-level diplomacy.
Economic policies coming out of the Trump administration skew in favor of the rich, budget analysts say. The 'Big, Beautiful Bill' that Trump is trying to push through Congress mixes tax and spending cuts in ways that would shave income for the bottom tenth of the U.S. population by 2% in 2027, and raise it for the top tenth by 4% that year, according to the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office.
At the same time, retailers like Walmart have cautioned that Trump's tariffs will drive up prices, squeezing some of the low-and middle-class voters he peeled away from Democrats. Exit polls showed that in the 2024 election, those with family incomes under $50,000 favored Trump over Democrat Kamala Harris by 50%-48%.
Trump's speaking style — raw and unrestrained — has proved a reliable political asset over the years. In this moment, his language may be widening the gulf between the nation and its leader. Defending his tariffs, Trump said that children may have to make do with " two dolls instead of 30," a remark that some saw as insensitive.
In a focus group, a Wisconsin swing voter who supported Trump in the last election told the research company Engagious that Trump's comment about dolls reminded him of Marie Antoinette, the 18 th century French queen associated with the comment, 'Let them eat cake.'
'It rubbed me the wrong way when he said that,' the 49-year-old Wisconsin man said. 'It just seemed like a disconnect with the average American person.'
Trump's fascination with the word 'groceries' may be another disconnect. 'It's such an old-fashioned term, but a beautiful term: groceries,' he said at his Rose Garden event at which he announced a series of steep foreign tariffs, later postponed. 'It sort of says a bag with different things in it.'
For most Americans who shop for the stuff, there's nothing old-fashioned or particularly beautiful about groceries; they're a necessity.
Same with a stroller. But Trump failed to summon the word when talking about prices last month on Air Force One: 'The thing that you carry the babies around in,' he called it.
How the most powerful man in the world tries to appear the everyman
Various presidents used different methods to avoid being cocooned.
Joe Biden's religious faith proved a blessing in every sense. A practicing Catholic, Biden regularly attended Mass, sitting in the pews and patiently waiting his turn for communion with fellow parishioners.
Barack Obama routinely read letters culled by his White House staff.
'Some of them are funny; some of them are angry,' Obama said during his first term. 'A lot of them are sad or frustrated about their current situation.'
'These letters, I think, do more to keep me in touch with what's happening around the country than just about anything else.'
Jimmy Carter once invited Americans to call in to him with questions as he sat in the White House with the moderator of the radio show, CBS's Walter Cronkite.
At the end, Carter told the famed network anchor that he appreciated fielding questions that the White House press corps would never have asked, Barry Jagoda, a Carter White House aide who helped arrange the forum, said in an interview.
Technology has changed the game. Phone in hand, a president can now scroll through social media and soak in all the candid commentary he can stomach.
Trump posts regularly on his own site, Truth Social and often amplifies other users who've applauded his efforts. He reposted one person with fewer than 900 followers who questioned why former FBI director and Trump nemesis James Comey hasn't been arrested.
Trump signals in various ways that despite his personal wealth, he sees and identifies with people of ordinary means. He gives off an accessible vibe.
"The American media loves to downplay or outright ignore how much President Trump enjoys being around normal, everyday people, and he listens to them," Vice President JD Vance said in a prepared statement.
In February, Trump attended the Daytona 500 race and took laps around the track in his limousine, 'The Beast.' The following month he went to see the college wrestling championship in Philadelphia and in April, he was on hand for a UFC fight in Miami.
'For all the Mar-a-Lago posh and polish, he also shows that he's more of a regular guy than Biden was,' said Douglas Brinkley, a presidential historian.
Or, perhaps, George H.W. Bush. Running for president in 1988, Bush was ridiculed for telling a waitress at a New Hampshire truck stop he wanted 'a splash' more coffee, feeding perceptions that he was an out-of-touch patrician.
Some voters may recoil at Trump's intemperate language, by contrast, but his epithets may come off as human and relatable, allies say.
'He's one of the most in-touch modern presidents,' said Ari Fleischer, White House press secretary for President George W. Bush. 'He has an amazing intuitive feel of what working people think and want. It's one of the reasons he can be so rude. He uses [the word] 'scum' in his Truth Social statements, which I find to be inappropriate but for a huge swath of the country it reinforces he's not a politician.'
'He doesn't do the things that everyone else in Washington who has lost touch with the country does," Fleischer added. 'He doesn't pretend — he lets it rip.'
When he does escape the bubble and meet everyday Americans, he shows he's willing to listen, some who've met him say.
Brian Pannebecker is a retired auto worker from Michigan who's become a campaign surrogate, bringing fellow blue-collar workers to Trump campaign events.
Pannebecker, 65, recalled a moment during the 2024 campaign when he was invited to meet Trump backstage at a rally. Trump asked his opinion of Biden's electric vehicle mandates and after hearing his critique, Trump shared it with the audience when he gave his speech, the former autoworker recalled.
'He'll ask a question and then actually stand back and listen to you while you're talking, even if you go on for a minute or two,' Pannebecker said in an interview. "He's listening to you and trying to understand what your concerns are."
Try as he might, a president's best-intentioned efforts to get honest feedback from the public can fall flat. Take Ronald Reagan.
In 1982, he read a letter from an Arkansas woman who told him that her family's excavation business was foundering and she and her husband were 'starving slowly to death.'
Reagan drafted a handwritten reply saying he had kept her letter on his desk and 'read it more than once.'
'I know no words of mine can make you feel any better about the situation in which you find yourselves,' Reagan wrote. He added that he had asked the Small Business Administration (SBA) to 'check out your situation.'
The agency followed through. That's when the story took an odd twist. A SBA official drove more than 100 miles and found the woman's husband, who said the family was in fact financially stable and that his wife 'gets needlessly excited from time to time.' He had no idea she had written to Reagan and he didn't want a loan.
The government official later drove by the family's home to see it for himself. He concluded it was 'fairly expensive' with a boat in the yard worth about $6,000.
At that, the agency closed the file.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Independent
43 minutes ago
- The Independent
Trump wants his ‘One Big, Beautiful Bill' to sail through the Senate. These five factions stand in the way
On Monday evening, the U.S. Senate returns from a week-long recess to take up President Donald Trump's proposed domestic spending bill, which he's dubbed the ' One Big, Beautiful Bill.' The House of Representatives barely passed the bill last month in the wee hours of May 22. It was a coup for House Speaker Mike Johnson. But passing it through the House was only halftime. And while House Republicans were just as divided as Senate Republicans, the upper chamber GOP has to navigate stricter and more arcane rules. Senate Republicans have only 53 votes, which is not enough to overcome a Democratic filibuster. Thus, they plan to use a process called budget reconciliation, wherein they can pass legislation with only 51 votes as long as it is tied to the budget. Trump has also said he understands the Senate will inevitably change the bill. 'I want the Senate and the senators to make the changes they want,' he told reporters. 'It will go back to the House and we'll see if we can get them. In some cases, the changes may be something I'd agree with, to be honest.' The bill also represents Senate Majority Leader John Thune's first major challenge. Thune inherited the mantle from his mentor Mitch McConnell after serving as the whip for Republicans since 2019. But to get this bill across the finish line, he will need to satisfy multiple factions and leaders in the Senate. Here are the five groups that Thune will need to navigate. The Fiscal Hawks The Senate does not have a formal group of conservatives who want to slash spending the way that the House does with the Freedom Caucus. But they still have a bevy of fiscal conservatives. Chief among them is Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, who last month told The Independent that reductions in spending were ' fake cuts.' Other senators in this faction include Mike Lee of Utah and Rand Paul of Kentucky. Sen. Rick Scott of Florida, who challenged Thune for the top job in the Senate last year, told Turning Point USA leader Charlie Kirk that he is a 'no' on the bill in its current form. To win them over, Thune will need to probably exact some kind of spending cuts. But that might infuriate the next group. The MAGA populists No part of the bill has received more attention than the changes to Medicaid. Specifically, the legislation would require able-bodied adults without dependent children to work, participate in community service or education for at least 80 hours a month. In a last-minute deal to appease conservatives, House Republican leaders moved up the work requirements to begin at the end of 2026 rather than in 2029. Republicans who hail from states that expanded Medicaid might also fret about this. Chief among these Republicans is Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri, who has sought to reorient the GOP to become the party of working-class voters and has adopted a more populist tone compared to other Republicans. Hawley has said he would oppose major changes to Medicaid because of how many people in his state depend on it and the Children's Health Insurance Program. If the Senate keeps the changes to Medicaid made in the House or goes even further on Medicaid, expect Hawley to stand up. The Moderates and the front-liners Republicans have a pretty favorable map in the coming midterms. With 53 seats, they only truly face risks in two swing state races: Thom Tillis' re-election campaign in North Carolina and Susan Collins' campaign in Michigan. Tillis for the most part has focused on renewing the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, the 2017 tax cuts that Trump signed in his first presidency. But Tillis also joined Sens. John Curtis of Utah, Jerry Moran of Kansas and Alaska's Lisa Murkowski, the most moderate Republican senator, on a letter calling to preserve renewable energy tax credits in the Inflation Reduction Act, former president Joe Biden's signature climate legislation. The House legislation phases out many of the credits and some conservatives, such as the aforementioned Lee and Scott, want a rollback in those credits. Historically, Republican moderates and swing-state incumbents have to eat the provisions conservatives insert into legislation. But if a handful of them break, there is a chance they might have leverage. The Senate Parliamentarian The most important person that Thune may have to convince is not even a senator, but rather a mostly anonymous rule keeper — the Senate parliamentarian. Consider the parliamentarian as the Senate's referee who polices the rules. The current parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, is seen by most as an impartial arbiter of the rules. MacDonough will be responsible for subjecting the bill to what is called the 'Byrd Bath,' the strict criteria for what can be included in budget reconciliation, named for the late majority leader Robert Byrd. Perhaps the biggest peril for Republicans will be if she rules that the revenue and spending parts of the bill are 'merely incidental' to the parts that do not relate directly to the budget. MacDonough infuriated progressive Democrats twice during Biden's presidency: once when she advised against allowing a minimum wage increase in the American Rescue Plan, Democrats' Covid relief legislation; and a second time when during the deliberations for Build Back Better when she advised against allowing immigration reform. Already, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) said Democrats plan to challenge the provision in the bill to restrict the ability of courts to hold government officials in contempt. Also expect other provisions on immigration and the ban on using Medicaid dollars to pay for gender-affirming care to be challenged. Donald Trump Yes, the president could become a stumbling block to his own bill. Even if Thune satisfies all members of his conference and gets most of the bill through the so-called Byrd Bath, Trump's approval matters most. While the president has never cared much about the intricacies of policies, he responds to public perception and opinion. If he thinks the bill will cause backlash as modified in the Senate because of spending or Medicaid cuts, he might send Thune back to the drawing board. Also, if it does not go far enough on beefing up immigration enforcement, he could balk and send it back.


The Independent
43 minutes ago
- The Independent
Trump's B is to ram through tariffs using obscure law to negate ‘rogue judges'
White House officials are already plumbing the depths of the U.S. legal code to find ways to get around judicial orders and carry out President Donald Trump's plan to impose massive import taxes on goods from nearly every country on the globe. On Wednesday, the U.S. International Trade court struck down Trump's use of emergency powers to put tariffs on nearly every nation around the globe and also struck down the tariffs imposed on Mexican, Canadian and Chinese imports by the president with the stated aim of combatting fentanyl and drug trafficking from those countries. The decision to bar the tariffs, which was put on hold by the U.S. Court of Appeals a day later while the government appeals the ruling, eviscerated major planks of Trump's trade policy in response to a lawsuit in which the attorneys general of 12 states and a number of small American companies urged the court to strike down the import taxes on the grounds that Trump had exceeded his authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. But administration officials are already planning a way to pivot to using other powers to get around what they have repeatedly labeled the 'rogue judges' that have repeatedly ruled against Trump. According to The Wall Street Journal, Trump and his advisers are looking at invoking a never-before-used section of the 1974 Trade Act known as Section 122, which allows for a 15-percent tariff to be placed on imports for up to 150 days, in order to deal with trade imbalances with other countries. White House trade adviser Peter Navarro discussed Elon Musk's comments about him on NBC's Meet the Press. (NBC News) During that period, the White House would then start the process to impose alternative tariffs on individual countries' exports under Section 301 of the same 1974 law. Trump used Section 301 on multiple occasions during his first term to impose tariffs on some Chinese steel and aluminum imports, but using that authority takes time because it requires a notice-and-comment period. The judges that ruled against him said Trump's 'Liberation Day' tariffs, which set a 10 percent baseline tax on all imports and even higher taxes on imports from nearly every one of America's trading partners, 'exceed any authority granted to the President by IEEPA to regulate importation by means of tariffs.' They also rejected Trump's use of the emergency powers to tax Mexican, Canadian and Chinese imports because those tariffs don't specifically 'deal with an unusual and extraordinary threat with respect to which a national emergency has been declared,' as required by law. It's unclear whether the White House will seek to employ either of those alternate strategies while the case against Trump's 'Liberation Day' tariffs proceeds. Doing so might be seen by the appeals court — or the Supreme Court — as a concession that the Court for International Trade's decision was, in fact, correct. Thus far, the White House isn't even close to conceding that the three-judge panel, which included one jurist nominated to the New York-based court by Trump during his first term, might have been right to say Trump exceeded his authority. Instead, the president's top aides have been engaged in a full-throated campaign to attack and delegitimize the little-known court's ruling as part of what White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller called a 'judicial coup' in a social media post on Wednesday. Peter Navarro, Trump's senior counselor for trade and manufacturing, has been going on the attack in a series of TV appearances in which he has criticized the 'rogue judges' of the court, and White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt used her opening remarks at Thursday's White House press briefing to accuse the judges of having 'brazenly abused their judicial power to usurp the authority of President Trump to stop him from carrying out the mandate that the American people gave him.' 'These judges failed to acknowledge that the President of the United States has core Foreign Affairs powers and authority given to him by Congress to protect the United States economy and national security,' Leavitt added. For his part, Navarro has steadfastly denied that Trump's tariffs could have any economic or political cost for the president or his Republican allies. When he was asked about a column in the Journal by longtime GOP strategist Karl Rove in which Rove said the tariffs posed a 'messaging challenge' for Trump, Navarro became irate and emotional during a Thursday appearance on Fox Business Network. He also fumed about the 'rogue judges' who rejected the administration's arguments that Trump currently has broad authority to import sweeping tariffs under emergency powers and called Rove a washed-up has-been whose 'day has passed about ... a decade ago.' 'He hates the tariffs, he hates Donald Trump,' he said.


The Independent
44 minutes ago
- The Independent
Trump's tariffs are back on for now as he fights court ruling, appeals panel rules
A federal appeals court has paused a seismic ruling from the U.S. Court of International Trade that found Donald Trump 'exceeded his authority' with his sweeping tariff agenda. A panel of judges at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit temporarily reinstated Trump's so-called 'Liberation Day' tariffs Thursday while legal challenges play out. The decision from the appellate court panel follows a second federal court decision that found Trump cannot 'unilaterally impose, revoke, pause, reinstate, and adjust tariffs to reorder the global economy' under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. Wednesday's decision from trade court judges similarly ruled that the president's 'Liberation Day' tariffs — which established a 10 percent baseline tax on all imports and even higher taxes on imports from nearly every trading partner — illegally exceeded authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. Judges also rejected the president's use of emergency powers to tax Mexican, Canadian and Chinese imports because those tariffs don't specifically 'deal with an unusual and extraordinary threat with respect to which a national emergency has been declared,' as required by law. A federal appeals court has temporarily paused the first of two decisions that blocked Trump's sweeping tariff agenda while legal challenges play out (AFP via Getty Images) 'An unlimited delegation of tariff authority would constitute an improper abdication of legislative power to another branch of government,' the judges wrote in their unsigned order on Wednesday. The three judges on that Manhattan panel were appointed by different presidents: Ronald Reagan appointee Judge Jane Restani, Barack Obama appointee Judge Gary Katzmann and Trump appointee Judge Timothy Reif. The president's attempt to delegate 'unlimited tariff authority is unconstitutional,' they wrote. That judgment is now 'temporarily stayed until further notice while this court considers the motions papers,' appellate judges stated. The freeze is expected to stay in place until at least June 9, the deadline for both sides to submit their arguments. Trump's tariffs being back in place is a blow to the UK, which is still grappling with the 25 per ent sector-specific steel, aluminum and car tariffs imposed by the president despite this month's trade deal. The measures in the deal are yet to be implemented, and Sir Keir Starmer's business secretary Jonathan Reynolds will meet his U.S. counterpart next week in a bid to set a timeline for lifting the 25 percent levies. If Trump's appeal is defeated, it could end up being a coup for Sir Keir, who would have negotiated a route out of the damaging tariffs on cars, while the blanket 10 percent reciprocal tariffs would fall back to an average of around 2.5 percent. But the uncertainty is causing chaos for companies attempting to trade between Britain and the United States with no clear indication of what will happen next. Trump's officials have raged at federal judges and the plaintiffs bringing cases against them after a series of court rulings defanged the president's agenda and his executive orders that tested the limits of executive authority. White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller called the trade court's ruling 'judicial tyranny.' Before Thursday's order from the appeals court, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt unloaded on the judiciary as she vowed the administration would take court rulings against Trump's tariff agenda to the Supreme Court. She accused judges of 'brazenly abusing' the courts to 'usurp the authority of President Trump.' 'There is a troubling and dangerous trend of unelected judges inserting themselves into the presidential decision making process,' she told reporters at the White House. 'America cannot function if President Trump, or any other president, for that matter, has their sensitive diplomatic or trade negotiations railroaded by activist judges.'