
Forget thought crime. People are incarcerated for dream crime in this near-future novel
It's overwhelming to think of how carefully tracked we are by private interests at this point in time: what we buy, what we watch, what we search online, what we want to know about other people — and who we know and how well. Shoshana Zuboff's 'The Age of Surveillance Capitalism' describes the perfect storm of extractive profit-seeking and privacy erosion that drives so much of contemporary life. When it comes to today's corporations, she explains, our lives are the product, and the power that's accrued to surveillance capitalism abrogates our basic rights in ways that we have not yet figured out how to fight through collaborative action. Our ability to mobilize, she suggests, 'will define a key battleground upon which the fight for a human future unfolds.'
You can feel the influence of these concerns in Laila Lalami's powerful, richly conceived fifth novel about pre-crime, 'The Dream Hotel' — out March 4. Set in the near future, the book's corporatized reality is slightly more twisted than ours but entirely plausible, a place where private greed has resulted in a disturbing bureaucracy with no true due process. As the novel opens, Moroccan American mother and archivist Sara Hussein is in Madison, a 120-bed 'retention' center near Los Angeles, run by a private company, where, in the interests of crime prevention, people whose dreams have marked them as high-risk for committing crimes are kept under steady, intrusive observation. According to the powers that be, Sara is being held because she dreamed of killing her husband. And while she refuses to believe this means something bigger, she also worries about all the holes in her knowledge; throughout the novel, Lalami plays out the shiftiness and uncertainty of reality when dreams are given more predictive weight than facts to stunning effect.
Sara has been inside so long — at the start of the book, 281 days — that communication from her husband has slowed, and she fears that he has started to believe she is guilty. When a new woman is admitted to the facility, her naive assumptions about how the system works — the result of ignorance that seems at first to mirror our own — counter Sara's experience-driven awareness of problems.
After having twins, and struggling to get enough sleep, Sara had agreed to surgery that outfitted her with a neuroprosthetic — the private company's promise was that you could feel rested after shorter periods of sleep, but under the principles of surveillance capitalism, its reach has since expanded into people's private, inner lives and become a basis for what amounts to incarceration, though it's not labeled such. 'Once dreams became a commodity, a new market opened — and markets are designed to grow. Sales must be increased, initiatives developed, channels broadened.' We'll later discover that, in line with surveillance-capitalist impulses, the company is not only watching but also cultivating product placement in dreams.
Here, rendering this edge-of-nightmare world, Lalami skates along at the height of her powers as a writer of intelligent, complex characters. By training, Sara is a historian of postcolonial Africa, and her career has been spent as a digital archivist at the Getty Museum. She maps what she knows of archives to the operation of algorithms, understanding that the latter work according to search terms provided by a human with limited knowledge, and that, therefore, its method for seeking out pre-crime is profoundly fallible.
The book kicks off with Lalami's clever marketing language for the dream surveillance device: 'You're a good person; if you were in a position to stop disaster, you probably would.' By flattering people's sense of themselves as good, as wanting to stop crimes against women and children — not so different from the curtailment of civil liberties after 9/11, where the risks of terrorism were treated on balance as drastically more significant than preserving individual freedoms — the device has become normalized. What makes use of the device so insidious is not simply the monitoring, of course, but that trivial actions, and even non-actions, mere thoughts, lead inexorably to nightmarish scenarios. The retention center has procedures that purportedly adhere to due process, but as in Franz Kafka's 'The Trial' or Vladimir Sorokin's 'The Queue,' where bureaucracy stands in the way of getting anywhere, every time it seems like Sara's time in the facility is about to be over, something trivial occurs to push her hearing date back, or to otherwise deny her release.
Unlike those atmospheric novels in which the central authority in the bureaucracy remains inaccessible, Lalami not only renders Sara relatable through mentions of mundane things like hiking with her husband or caring for babies but also builds the perspectives of some of the villains of the piece with nuance. It's not only the claustrophobia of an enclosed space with strangers or control-seeking authorities but time itself that creates the feeling of dread. Lalami writes, 'Each day resembles the one that came before it, the monotony adding to the women's apprehension and leading them to make decisions that damage their cases.'
The novel takes a fascinating turn, one that calls up Zuboff's insights that we haven't yet developed forms of collaborative action to counter surveillance capitalism, when Sara realizes that she and other retained people do have a tool to fight back, namely the work they do while incarcerated. It's a clever progressive pivot that tamps down the dystopian vibes that support the original premise of the book. At one point, Sara looks at a mural and notices that the laborers depicted are watched by a painted foreman, 'and later by the artist in his studio, and later yet by her, the process transforming them from people into objects.'
But, even in its awareness that subjectivity is stripped away when people are treated as data points, the novel refuses a grim understanding of how people might become damaged in their behavior toward one another while under surveillance (changes to behavior seen in East Berlin, North Korea, the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and other places in the world that have fallen to totalitarianism). Rather, as with her other novels, there's a softhearted universalism to Lalami's treatment of surveillance capitalism. Hers is one in which humans retain the ability to trust one another enough to forge working solidarities and authentic collaborations.
Although it relies on a speculative technology for its plot, 'The Dream Hotel' is astounding, elegantly constructed, character-driven fiction. Lalami's realistic approach to Sara and others, inflected with leftist politics and history, elides any sharp division we might imagine about where we've been and what we face ahead. 'Maybe past and present aren't all that different,' Sara thinks at a critical moment. 'The strange thing — the amazing thing, really — is that we've managed to find workarounds to surveillance.' Within the latter part of the novel, it's not the stuff of tragedy or alarm about the human condition we encounter, but surprising, unadulterated hope.
Felicelli is a novelist and critic who served on the board of the National Book Critics Circle from 2021-24.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
12 hours ago
- Yahoo
Marines detain civilian in Los Angeles, in first such case
U.S. Marines temporarily detained a civilian in Los Angeles Friday afternoon, the first known case of the military doing so since it deployed to Los Angeles County. The incident was first reported by Reuters, who identified the detained man as U.S. Army veteran Marcos Leao. A spokesperson for U.S. Northern Command confirmed that an individual was detained, but turned over to law enforcement officials after approximately 10 minutes. He was transferred to the custody of officers from the Department of Homeland Security before being released. Per Reuters, Leao was on his way to the nearby Veterans Affairs campus when he crossed yellow tape at the Wilshire federal building, which Marines from 2nd Battalion, 7th Marine Regiment took over guarding this afternoon. Marines quickly detained him and restrained him using zip ties. Social media and a Backstage account matching Leao's name and image describe him as a 27-year-old personal trainer, actor and model. According to his biography, he completed one tour in Iraq while in the U.S. Army. Leao, who gained U.S. citizenship through his military service according to Reuters, was released by authorities and said he was treated 'very fairly.' Earlier this morning Gen. Scott Sherman, the commander of Task Force 51, the Northern Command body created to oversee military operations in Los Angeles County, confirmed that U.S. Marines from 2/7 had arrived in Los Angeles on Thursday with the main mission of guarding federal property. The first group out of the 700 total Marines from 2/7 are at the Wilshire federal building at Sepulveda and Wilshire boulevards, more than 10 miles from the city blocks in Downtown Los Angeles where protests have mainly occurred over the last week. The building is located near the University of California, Los Angeles, and on the other side of the 405 freeway from the West Los Angeles Veteran Affairs campus. In the Friday briefing, Sherman said that no Marines or National Guard soldiers had 'watched' federal agents arrest people, but had not carried out any temporary detentions. NORTHCOM confirmed to Task & Purpose that Leao's detention was the first such case in the military's deployment to Los Angeles County. On Saturday, June 7, President Donald Trump federalized 2,000 members of the California National Guard, from the 79th Infantry Brigade Combat Team, with the order to protect federal property and agents from Immigration and Customs Enforcement in the face of protests from Los Angeles residents. On June 9, he ordered 700 Marines from 2/7 to Los Angeles and federalized another 2,000 Guardsmen, mainly from the 49th Military Police Brigade. The Marines spent several days outside of Los Angeles County, carrying out training in less-than-lethal procedures. The second group of National Guard troops have not yet been deployed to Los Angeles. A Marine Corps reply-all email apocalypse has an incredible real-life ending Army shuts down its sole active-duty information operations command Army plans to close more than 20 base museums in major reduction Former Green Beret nominated to top Pentagon position to oversee special ops The Navy's new recruiting commercial puts the 'dirt wars' in the past


CNBC
a day ago
- CNBC
34-year-old ice cream stand owner in LA raises money for immigrants' rights: 'It means a lot to be able to give back'
Protests are cropping up across the country opposing the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency and military presence in California. Meanwhile, some Los Angeles business owners are finding their own way to support immigrant, Latino and Hispanic communities targeted by recent federal immigration enforcement raids. SueEllen Mancini, 34, is the owner of Sad Girl Creamery, an LA-based ice cream business that offers Latin-inspired flavors like chocoflan and guava jam cheesecake. She tells CNBC Make It she's unable to protest because she is her mother's primary caretaker. "But I figured, 'OK, we can put our heads together and be able to give back, even if it's just a little bit,'" Mancini say. "And I think the biggest way I could personally give back is monetarily." On Sunday, Mancini says she will donate 20% of sales from her pop-up at downtown LA's Smorgasburg event, including all tips, to The Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights, or CHIRLA, an LA County-based immigrant rights group. Mancini launched Sad Girl Creamery from her home in 2021 after buying a $300 Whynter ice cream maker. She considers her venture a "microbusiness." Even so, "I think it's important to put your money where your mouth is and really give back to the people who are on the ground trying to make a difference, even if you can't personally be there," Mancini says. "It means a lot to be able to give back to the people who are going through the same situations we've gone through in the past," she says. The latest news of immigration enforcement raids is personal. When Mancini was a teenager, she says her older brother, then 18 years old, was deported. He had been born outside of the country, came to the U.S. as an infant and was unaware of his immigration status, Mancini says. "My brother was only a 1-year old [when he arrived in the U.S.], so America was literally all he knew up until his deportation," Mancini says. "This was before [Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals]. My mother later had me here in the U.S., making me the only citizen [and] documented in the family for 25 years." Mancini says she and her family, including her mom and an older sister, are still paying immigration lawyer fees for her brother's return to the U.S., "and it is a painfully long process and really expensive." Mancini works alongside her mom, Maria Lupes, to run Sad Girl Creamery, which operates out of a commercial kitchen in Culver City and sells pints in stores around the metro area. "[My mom has] always been really hard-working and very independent [and] a super quick thinker," Mancini says about working with her mom. "I get everything from her, so her great working aspects and creativity definitely rubs off on me." Mancini, who grew up in Houston, says moving to LA in 2018 helped her embrace her family's roots in Uruguay and Chile. "When I visited the first time I immediately saw how Latino-focused it is, the whole community, and that made me feel close to my own culture," she told the LA Times in 2023. "That made me want to be closer to that side of myself that I had never paid attention to. ... I come from an immigrant family, I grew up that way. I share all those experiences, but I had never expressed it." Roughly 10 million people call LA County home, and some 49% identify as Hispanic or Latino, according to U.S. Census data. Mancini uses her platform around Sad Girl Creamery to raise awareness for mental health issues, too, which she says are still stigmatized in many areas of U.S. Latino culture. Many Latinos face barriers to care. As for her upcoming efforts to raise money for local immigrant groups, "I really hope that we get a lot of people to show up [and] help put more more money towards helping these people," Mancini says. "Come and enjoy ice cream that's literally inspired by these cultures." "Maybe the ice cream might make you feel a little better," Mancini adds. "Things are really scary out there, but as long as we support one another, we can get through this. We're a strong community."
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Yahoo
Jan. 6 Officers File Suit Over GOP Refusal To Install Honorary Plaque
WASHINGTON — Two police officers filed a federal lawsuit on Thursday over the refusal by House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) to put up a plaque honoring officers' sacrifice on Jan. 6, 2021. Congress passed a law in 2022 setting a one-year deadline to install an 'honorific plaque' naming officers who fought President Donald Trump's mob rioters. It was to be placed on the Capitol's west front where some of the worst violence of the day occurred. Johnson's office said last year they were working on it, but the plaque is still missing. According to the lawsuit, filed by former U.S. Capitol Police Officer Harry Dunn and D.C. Metropolitan Police Officer Daniel Hodges, there is 'no indication' that Congress intends to hang the plaque even as other memorials have been installed inside the Capitol for slain officers involved in other tragedies. The plaque commemorating Jan. 6 officers has been made, but Dunn and Hodges say Architect of the Capitol Thomas Austin has not received instruction from Johnson to install it. A spokesman for the speaker did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Dunn and Hodges highlighted that House Republicans have wasted little time introducing bills to honor Trump in the meantime, including legislation to make his birthday a federal holiday or rename Dulles International Airport after him. (Lawmakers have also proposed carving his face into Mount Rushmore, putting Trump's face on the $100 bill and even creating a new $250 bill with his likeness.) Trump and his allies have attempted a dogged 'rewriting of history,' attorney Brendan Ballou wrote in the civil claim, and this has extended well beyond the halls of Congress. 'Elon Musk, the world's richest man, now claims that January 6 was 'in no way a violent insurrection.' Joe Rogan, the country's most popular podcaster, claims that 'the intelligence agencies were involved in provoking people into the Capitol Building. That's a fact.' Greg Gutfeld, the host of the most popular show on the most popular cable channel (Fox) said that January 6 was not a 'big deal.' And Dan Bongino, once one of America's most popular online commentators, claimed that the FBI was involved in placing pipe bombs around Washington, DC that day,' Ballou wrote. 'By refusing to follow the law and honor officers as it is required to do, Congress encourages this rewriting of history. It suggests that the officers are not worthy of being recognized, because Congress refuses to recognize them.' The law requiring Congress to install the plaque was buried in a thousand-page government funding bill, so it wasn't something that received much attention or debate when it passed the House in March 2022. Back then, Republicans had not yet fully abandoned their recognition of what happened on Jan. 6. But the text of the statute is clear: Not later than 1 year after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Architect of the Capitol shall obtain an honorific plaque listing the names of all of the officers of the United States Capitol Police, the Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia, and other Federal, State, and local law enforcement agencies and protective entities who responded to the violence that occurred at the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021, and shall place the plaque at a permanent location on the western front of the United States Capitol. During their annual 'police week' commemorations last month, Johnson and other Republicans held a vigil and repeatedly praised law enforcement officers, including the Capitol Police officers who responded to the 2017 congressional baseball shooting, but couldn't spare a word for the officers who fought Trump's mob. This isn't the first time that items recognizing police for defending the Capitol on Jan. 6 have been missing in action. In February, commemorative bronze duplicates of the Congressional Gold Medal that Jan. 6 police officers received suddenly went missing from the U.S. Mint's website. The coin, which had been available for purchase for more than a year up to that point, vanished from the site without notice. It was reinstated a little more than a week later. Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) said Thursday that he would be putting up a poster depicting the plaque design outside his office, and that Democrats would be urging all House members to do the same until Johnson complies with the law. 'Put the plaque up or change the law,' Dunn said in a livestream from Raskin's office. 'It's unfortunate that we had to have a lawsuit to compel Congress to follow their own law, but here we are.' Top Jan. 6 Prosecutor Quits DOJ, Slams Trump's Pardons As Green Light For Violence Trump Honors Police – Four Months After Freeing Hundreds Of Felons Who Assaulted Them Ashli Babbitt Family To Receive $5M Settlement From Trump DOJ: Report