Philippine president offers deal to China: Stop sea aggression and I'll return missiles to US
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. offered on Thursday to remove a U.S. missile system from the Philippines if China halts what he called its "aggressive and coercive behavior" in the disputed South China Sea.
The U.S. Army installed the Typhon mid-range missile system in the northern Philippines in April last year to support what the longtime treaty allies described as training for joint combat readiness.
China has repeatedly demanded that the Philippines remove the missile system, saying it was "inciting geopolitical confrontation and an arms race."
Asked by reporters about China's criticism of the missile system, Marcos said he did not understand the Chinese position because the Philippines does not comment on China's missile systems which "are a thousand times more powerful than what we have."
"Let's make a deal with China: Stop claiming our territory, stop harassing our fishermen and let them have a living, stop ramming our boats, stop water cannoning our people, stop firing lasers at us and stop your aggressive and coercive behavior, and we'll return the typhoon missiles," Marcos told reporters in central Cebu province.
"Let them stop everything they're doing and I'll return all of those," he said.
Chinese officials did not immediately comment on the Philippine leader's remarks.
The U.S. Army's mobile Typhon missile system, which consists of a launcher and at least 16 Standard Missile-6 and Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles, was repositioned about two weeks ago from the northern Philippines to a strategic area nearer the capital, Manila, in consultation with Philippine defense officials, a senior Philippine official told The Associated Press.
The Philippine official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of a lack of authority to discuss the sensitive issue in public, said the U.S. missile system is now nearer an area where Chinese and Philippine coast guard and navy forces have been involved in increasingly tense faceoffs in the South China Sea.
Tomahawk missiles can travel over 1,000 miles (1,600 kilometers), which puts parts of mainland China within their range. The missile system will remain in the Philippines indefinitely, the Philippine official said.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said last week that the Philippines is "creating tensions and antagonism in the region and inciting geopolitical confrontation and an arms race" by allowing the U.S. missile system to be positioned in its territory.
"This is a highly dangerous move and an extremely irresponsible choice," Mao said.
Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro has rejected China's demand that the missile system be removed as interference in Philippine internal affairs.
The U.S. and the Philippines have repeatedly condemned China's increasingly assertive actions to press its territorial claims in the South China Sea, where hostilities have flared over the past two years with repeated clashes between Chinese and Philippine coast guard forces and accompanying vessels.
Aside from China and the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also have overlapping claims in the busy waterway, a key shipping route which is also believed to be sitting atop large undersea deposits of gas and oil.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Voice of America
15-03-2025
- Voice of America
Russian foreign minister exaggerates Russia-China relations, ignores nuances
On March 12, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov spoke with American bloggers Mario Nawfal, Larry C. Johnson and Andrew Napolitano in Moscow. When asked whether the U.S. administration's efforts to normalize relations with Moscow are just to use Russia "cynically against the Chinese," Lavrov rejected such possibility. He described Russia-China relations as long-term, stronger and more confidential, based in deep trust and mutual understanding, and he emphasized widespread public support in both countries. That is misleading. The claim overlooks the underlying complexities and skepticism in the Russia-China relationship. Underlying tensions: Despite the appearance of a strong partnership, ongoing tensions underlie the relationship. This includes skepticism on both sides, especially about economic stability, military strength and the extent of mutual trust. Economic imbalance: China has become a dominant economic partner for Russia, but many Russians are concerned about China's increasing influence and the lack of substantial Chinese investment in Russia. Military relations: Unlike the strong military alignment seen in the Sino-Soviet alliance of 1950, today's cooperation is not as deeply integrated, particularly in military terms. China has not provided direct military aid to Russia in the Ukraine conflict, which would have been expected in a deeply allied relationship. Public sentiment: There is skepticism about the partnership in both Russia and China. Russian citizens are not entirely supportive of Chinese products or investments, and many Chinese question the long-term economic and military viability of Russia. Historical context Sino-Soviet Alliance (1950s): This period marked a high point of cooperation, with the Soviet Union providing substantial economic, technological and military support to China. Yet, the alliance ended with the Sino-Soviet split by the late 1950s. This contradicts Lavrov's characterization that current relations are unprecedented in their depth. Strategic Partnership (1996-2014): The strategic partnership strengthened after the Cold War, especially under Vladimir Putin and Jiang Zemin. However, China still balanced its relations with the West, highlighting that the partnership was pragmatic, not based purely on mutual trust. Anti-Western Alignment (2014-2025): The relations have become closer since Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the Ukraine invasion. China has been providing crucial economic support. Beijing, however, avoids direct military aid to evade Western sanctions and maintains neutrality. This signals that the cooperation is based on shared opposition to the West, not genuine trust or an alliance akin to that of the 1950s. Current economic dependence Moscow is now heavily dependent on Beijing: China has become Russia's largest trading partner, and Russia plays a key role in supplying China with oil and gas. The economic relationship has its imbalances, however. China's total investments in Russia remain relatively low compared with its global investments. China still prioritizes its global economic ties, while Russia has become increasingly dependent on Beijing. Vedomosti, Russia's leading business daily, reported that China rarely invests directly in Russia, noting that while Russia seeks high-tech investments, China prioritizes mining, real estate, and banking. Since 2023, China has been Russia's largest trading partner, whereas Russia ranks only sixth among China's top trade partners. Skepticism in both countries Russians question Chinese investment and the long-term benefits, while many Chinese doubt Russia's economic resilience and military strength. In February 2025, FilterLabs released the results of research that used its Talisman data tool to analyze Chinese and Russian news and social media. Talisman's analysis reveals deep skepticism about Russia among Chinese social media users, many of whom question whether Russia's economy is truly as resilient as Moscow claims, whether its military strength matches its rhetoric, and what its long-term intentions are. These doubts suggest that despite official narratives of strong ties, public confidence in Russia within China is far from unanimous. The research also shows that online sentiments in Russia toward economic cooperation with China are more negative than official narratives suggest. International sanctions have pushed many Western products out of Russia, allowing Chinese goods to fill the gap in sectors such as automobiles and technology. While their market share grows due to affordability and geopolitical shifts, many Russians remain skeptical and dissatisfied with Chinese products, FilterLabs reported. In both countries, social media discussions are consistently less positive than mainstream press coverage, which itself was not uniformly supportive, revealing underlying skepticism about the partnership. "Their partnership is vulnerable," FilterLabs founder Jonathan Teubner told VOA. Conclusion While Lavrov's statement reflects an official narrative of a strong and enduring partnership, the truth is more nuanced. Relations are indeed closer than at any point since the 1950s, but they are shaped more by pragmatism, economic necessity and shared opposition to Western influence than by deep trust or historical affinity. In both countries, public opinion reveals skepticism, and the economic and military cooperation, while growing, is not without concerns.
Voice of America
14-03-2025
- Voice of America
Chinese officials look to limit social media and screen time in China
While some youth in China admit to spending an excessive amount of time on the internet, many are skeptical about new government proposals aimed at regulating the time young Chinese spend online and on social media sites. In conversations at China's annual political meetings that wrapped up in Beijing this week, retired international basketball star Yao Ming, called for some limits on internet access for young people in China. Yao was advocating for a plan that would mandate children turn off all electronics for one full day every academic semester and get outside and exercise. Officials also called for tighter controls of online gaming and cited concerns about harmful online content, warning that excessive internet use is hurting the physical health and academic performance of Chinese minors under the age of 18. China already has some of the world's tightest internet controls, with tens of thousands of websites, foreign social media sites and content blocked. It also has a massive online population. On social media in China some commenters praised the efforts, but many expressed frustrations with what they viewed to be an inherent contradiction within the policies. Some noted that children are already in school most of the day and rely on internet resources to complete assignments. 'Schools should assign less homework that requires phone check-ins and online research,' wrote one user from northern Hebei Province. 'Minors get home around 9 p.m. or 10 p.m. at night, so when do they even have time to use social media?' wrote another user from Beijing. A college student in Beijing, who spoke with VOA on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the topic, said she agreed with officials' concerns, but added that policies like the one suggested by Yao are likely to have a limited impact. 'Chinese teenagers and young people are absolutely addicted to the internet. You can find people walking on the streets looking at their phones everywhere and all the time. We use the internet to do almost everything,' the student told VOA. 'I don't really think proposals to limit internet accessibility for young people would be effective. The addiction is always hard to get rid of, so how can a 'limit day' alleviate the excessive internet use?' the student said, using the word 'addiction' to describe the excessive use of the internet. According to the "2024 China Game Industry Minor Protection Report" released by the Game Working Committee of the China Audio-Video and Digital Publishing Association, as of December 2023, the number of internet users in China under the age of 18 reached 196 million, with the percentage of minors who are on the internet and can access it reaching 97.3%. Will Wang, a Chinese student attending college in the United States, said when he returns home in Beijing during school break his impression is that the internet is used heavily in everyday life, and that teenagers are very active on social media platforms. 'There's definitely a significant increase in screen and internet usage across all ages in China…many Chinese teenagers are deeply engaged with TikTok, RedNote, Bilibili, and many internet platforms,' Wang said in a written response to VOA. Amid the busy academic and personal lives of young Chinese, the internet provides them with a rare space for privacy, which Wang said is fueling high levels of internet use. 'Most Chinese teenagers don't have a lot of private space for themselves at home or at school so [the] internet is the only option, especially with their busy schedules––nearly every kid has to attend some sort of classes or studying-related activities outside of school,' Wang said. 'For teenagers, if anything, [the] internet makes them more connected with their friends and the world.' Xu Quan, a media commentator based in Hong Kong, said online spaces can have a positive effect on children, who are often overwhelmed with parental and educational expectations. "Contrary to what some might think, the internet helps them deal with stress to a certain extent. If you were to remove the internet from their lives, that would actually be harmful to their physical and mental well-being," Xu told VOA. The recent proposals to limit internet use build on previous regulations regarding youth internet use. In October 2020, China revised the 'Law on the Protection of Minors,' adding an 'internet protection' chapter requiring that social media, gaming and live streaming platforms implement tools to limit their excessive use. The law targeted gaming addictions in particular. A 2021 notice required strict limits on gaming time allotments for children under 18. The regulation banned gaming between the hours of 10 p.m. and 8 a.m., and limited minors to no more than one hour of gaming per day on weekdays or two hours per day on weekends. During Chinese New Year this year, Tencent Games issued a "limited play order" for minors. During the 32-day break from academics, teenagers were only permitted to play the company's games for a total of 15 hours. However, all of these regulations can be circumvented through using or creating accounts belonging to adults, who are not subject to the restrictions. Despite previous momentum, A Qiang, who used to work in the Chinese media industry, thinks proposals from the recently concluded political meetings in Beijing are just talk and won't lead to any concrete policy change. The real way forward, he argues, is by lessening burdens impacting the quality of minors' lives offline such as intense academic pressure. The problem is not that they have too much freedom online but have too little freedom offline, he said.
Voice of America
13-03-2025
- Voice of America
Foreign bloggers help China spread propaganda, analysis finds
Foreign bloggers who praise China rapidly gain popularity and millions of followers on Chinese social media platforms. VOA examined the facts and spoke with experts to shed light on the government's efforts behind the phenomenon. "It is a long-standing tradition of the Chinese Communist Party to use foreigners to voice its propaganda for added credibility," said Mareike Ohlberg, a senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund. Foreign influencers cooperate with the Chinese government, the media and third parties to create and boost content that supports government narratives, Ohlberg said. One of the most common topics that foreign influencers focus on is whitewashing human rights abuses in Xinjiang. The U.N. Human Rights Office and groups like Amnesty International estimate that more than 1 million people – mostly Uyghurs – have been confined in internment camps in Xinjiang. One of the most recent and maybe most popular foreign characters in China is a French national, Marcus Detrez, who became a media sensation in 2024. Japanese occupation photos Last year, Detrez posted a series of historic photographs on the Chinese social media platform Douyin that depicted life under the Japanese occupation in the early 20th century. He claimed the images were taken by his grandfather and said he wanted to donate them to China. Detrez enjoyed a year of celebrity treatment from Chinese authorities, including touring across China, while state media outlets profiled him as a hero. In February, however, historians exposed Detrez as a fraud. The photographs he claimed were unique family heirlooms turned out to be publicly available online in various museums around the world. But the thread of glorified foreign bloggers started much earlier. One of the pioneers on Chinese social media is a Russian internet celebrity, Vladislav Kokolevskiy, known in China as Fulafu. He amassed 12.89 million followers on Douyin, where he posts short video clips praising life in China. In November 2023, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute wrote that in China, Fulafu has 'become a household name through his ostentatious displays of affection for China,' identifying him as a Chinese government propagandist. Kokolevskiy does not make commercial ad disclaimers. However, CMGM, an outlet covering China news, reported in January 2021 that he received advertisement contracts within 15 days for NetEase's "Heavenly Oracle" mobile game and online retailers Pinduoduo and Tmall. The companies paid about $11,000 for each ad, bringing Fulafu's advertising revenue up to about $33,000 for January 2021 alone, according to the report. Like Fulafu, dozens of foreigners grew to stardom on the Chinese internet during the last decade, Ohlberg said. Among them is Gerald Kowal, known also as Jerry Guo, an American who has risen to popularity in China after an interview with state-owned CCTV in 2020. At the time, Kowal had been posting series of short videos critical of New York City authorities' handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. He also repeated debunked conspiracy theories, claiming, for example, that the U.S. military brought the coronavirus to China. CCTV broadcasted his interview from New York live. The China Newsweek magazine profiled Kowal in May 2020 as 'one of the most influential internet celebrities,' calling him a 'war correspondent' for his videos from pandemic-stricken New York. Third-party promoters The success of a large number of foreign influencers is closely tied to multichannel networks or MCNs, which are third-party organizations that promote the growth of certain content creators, operating behind the scenes. One of the MCN industry leaders is YChina, founded in 2016 by Israeli businessman Amir Gal-Or and his Chinese partner and former classmate, Fang Yedun, as part of Gal-Or's 'Crooked Nuts Research Institute,' which focuses on documenting the lives of foreigners in China. YChina started with the cross-platform sharing of short video interviews with Western expats living in China. It initially focused on cultural topics and soon accumulated more than 100 million followers among its internet influencers from over 30 countries, including Israel, the United States, Australia, Spain, Argentina, Japan and Thailand. Chinese democracy activists in exile have accused YChina of supporting Chinese government propaganda about Xinjiang and Hong Kong. In July 2024, the China Public Diplomacy Association, which is under the supervision of China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, gathered more than 30 foreign influencers from 25 countries to participate in a training camp and visit various cities in China. The bloggers were asked to record their experiences on video and share them online. China's state-controlled media outlets boost such bloggers, presenting them to domestic audiences within the narrative of a prosperous nation under the Communist Party. For example, the Xinhua News Agency's series in 2024 on foreign internet celebrities in China showed videos of influencers from all over the world walking the streets of China's major cities praising their 'cleanest streets in the world" and "efficient garbage disposal system." In using these foreign bloggers, the Chinese Communist Party wants to show that life in China is not what rights groups and China's critics abroad say it is. The government exploits the idea that unless 'you come and see, you have no right to judge,' the German Marshall Fund's Ohlberg said. The core of this idea is 'very hypocritical,' Ohlberg added, because 'the Communist Party allows these people to go only where it wants them to go and see only what it wants them to see. And if you're critical, you certainly won't get the opportunity to go on a field trip.'
