Environment Southland Considers Action On Illegal Israeli Settlements After Invercargill Misses Opportunity
Environment Southland agreed today (Wednesday 25th) to commission a staff report considering a procurement policy change to exclude companies involved in illegal Israeli settlements on occupied Palestinian land.
The step follows a request by local residents and members of Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa. It places Environment Southland on a growing list of local councils responding to New Zealand's co-sponsorship of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334, which declared the settlements a 'flagrant violation under international law' and a 'major obstacle' to peace.
'New Zealand helped write this in 2016,' said the speakers. 'We can't promote it abroad and ignore it at home. This is a strong first step to ensure ratepayer money doesn't fund human rights abuses.'
The decision comes just a day after Invercargill City Council narrowly rejected the same change — a 6–6 vote decided by Nobby Clark — despite staff advice to the contrary. Speakers say Invercargill's position is out of step with national policy and public demand. 'Councils are simply being asked to align with what NZ agreed to years ago. This isn't about ranking suffering, it's about acting where there's black and white legal clarity and political mandate.'
In July 2024, the International Court of Justice confirmed Israel's 57-year occupation breaches international law on apartheid and racial segregation. Countries including New Zealand voted that states 'ensure they do not render aid or assistance' to it.
The group also expressed concern that unlike at Dunedin's recent vote, where councilors heard from supporting voices including local Palestinians and Israelis during the public forum, today saw those refused by the chair.
'This is a narrow step - excluding companies listed by the highest authority on human rights, the UNHRC' said the group, 'Since the current Israeli government came to power, the building of settlements and violence against Palestinians in the West Bank has rocketed. International law protects all of us.'
Other councils — including Christchurch City, Nelson City, and Environment Canterbury — have already taken action, and a formal vote on adopting the policy is expected following the staff report. PSNA says the window is still open: 'Southland still has an opportunity to lead — and to stand on the right side of history.'
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The ideal is for Palestine Israel to become a liberal democracy in which all people born within its borders become citizens with equal citizenship rights; a nation state which commits to both the domestic and international norms of liberal democracy. (In a bicultural nation-state, the principal divider is religion; normally people's religious loyalties are discrete, meaning that being, say, a Muslim or Jew or Christian is mutually exclusive. The word 'national' is increasingly used in the 21st century as it was in the 19th century; to refer to a 'people' or a 'race' rather than to relate to a territory defined by its borders and its sovereign institutions. Ethnicity – the better word is 'ancestry – is not a discrete concept such as 'religion'; individual people have multiple ancestries, and should not be required to identify as one over another.) How can this be achieved? First, we should note that the status quo in Eretz Israel is at least as unacceptable as Apartheid South Africa was to our world of mostly 'internationally-civilised' nation-states. (An internationally civilised state is one that accepts agreed norms in the ways that it relates to other nation states, meaning that it does not indulge in offensive hard-power geopolitics – such as 'gunboat diplomacy'; and it practises cultural equality. Terrorism is understood as criminality. Such a state does not have to be a 'democracy' in the Westminster or American sense; but it should meet open liberal standards in the ways it treats its resident denizens – non-citizens – and it should subscribe to international treaties on matters such as climate sustainability and nuclear energy and election authenticity.) Second, this desired outcome will not come about by force. The community of liberal nations should simply recognise Eretz Israel as a nation state, based ideally on the prior borders of Mandatory Palestine. While there should be no demands, such a new nation-state would be risking discriminatory sanctions if it abuses liberal norms; in particular if it implements laws (including civil-marriage laws) that discriminate on the basis of sex, religion, or ancestry. Again, the obvious model is Apartheid South Africa, and the ways that South Africa was excluded from international sport so long as it implemented laws which discriminated on the basis of ethnicity. (Palestinians and many Israelis have Levantine ethnicity. Many Israelis have European, African or Asian co-ethnicity; that non-indigeneity should never be held against them. Nor should the indigeneity of the Palestinians.) In recognising Eretz Israel as Israel-Palestine (or even just under the name 'Israel'), a Levantine nation state, Israel's nuclear status should be addressed and normalised. (Likewise, India and Pakistan should be pressured to join the 'nuclear club'. One of the most problematic regional asymmetries at present is the advanced nuclear-status of Israel versus the embryonic nuclear status of Iran; Israel at present hides behind its non-membership of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to make it seem that Iran is a bigger nuclear threat to the world than Israel is.) Recognition of Eretz Israel as a sovereign nation state, under any name, should come with overt expectations of democracy, amnesty, truth, reconciliation, and press freedom. There should be no formal or informal mechanism of 'settling scores', no matter how reprehensible anyone's past or present behaviour has been. Truth trumps vengeance cloaked as 'accountability'. Lebanon was an initially successful, but now largely failed, version of a similar attempt at creating a tolerant multicultural nation state in the Levant. Lebanon's main problem was its belligerent southern neighbour. Israel-Palestine would not have Israel as a neighbour. Abandon the naïve two-state solution There is no way a Palestinian nation-state can be viable. At the very best it could become like a mini-Pakistan or mini-Bangladesh; and even that would take decades. (And the last Israeli prime minister to formalise a two-state future – Yitzhak Rabin – was assassinated in 1995, having achieved a Nobel Peace Prize in 1994.) The two-state-solution agenda seems to be more about deescalating sufficiently for the Palestine issue to disappear from its media prominence; and not at all about ending a forever war which began in 1948. The present forever war – now in its hottest phase – followed a brutal war for Israeli-Jewish independence and non-Jewish expulsion waged by fascist and non-fascist 'non-state actors' from 1939 to 1948 against the British 'protectors'. That, in turn, followed a prior Palestinian insurrection against the British and the settlers from 1936-1939 (though overshadowed in the international media by the Spanish Civil War), which in its turn followed the 1929 Palestine riots. That's 96 years of escalating forever violence. In Summary Recognise a new expanded state, with or without a new name, but with certain (unenforceable, but well-publicised) expectations. This expectation should be a multi-cultural Levantine sovereign state, embracing adherents of the three Abrahamic faiths (as well as people of other religions, or no religion, as citizens; people born in Israel or Palestine, and documented immigrants): Levantine Jews, Levantine Muslims, Levantine Christians, plus others. All Israelis. And all Palestinians. Keith Rankin (keith at rankin dot nz), trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand. Keith Rankin Political Economist, Scoop Columnist Keith Rankin taught economics at Unitec in Mt Albert since 1999. An economic historian by training, his research has included an analysis of labour supply in the Great Depression of the 1930s, and has included estimates of New Zealand's GNP going back to the 1850s. Keith believes that many of the economic issues that beguile us cannot be understood by relying on the orthodox interpretations of our social science disciplines. Keith favours a critical approach that emphasises new perspectives rather than simply opposing those practices and policies that we don't like. Keith retired in 2020 and lives with his family in Glen Eden, Auckland.
