
Minister Al-Mawlad inspects Sana'a Summer Scout Camp
Sana'a - Saba:
Youth Minister Dr. Mohammed Al-Mawlad and Deputy Minister Abdullah Al-Razahi visited the capital's model summer scout camp to review its diverse programs including:
- Leadership and discipline workshops
- Community service initiatives
- National identity awareness activities
- Officials praised the camp's high organizational standards and scout performance.
- Emphasized camps' role in instilling national/religious values and developing youth skills.
- Al-Razahi noted alignment with revolutionary leader's vision for building Quran-educated generations.
- Scout leader Ali Shamlan highlighted the camp's structured plan to enhance scouting skills and create lasting behavioral impact.
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Yemenat
8 hours ago
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Leftist Extremism
The period that the South was experiencing at that time was marked by a radical and revolutionary leftism, often characterized by impulsiveness, extremism, and an excess of enthusiasm. The students on the 'transportation' buses, as they were driven in open Land Rovers to school in Al-Bahah, or on their way back alongside some citizens, would chant revolutionary slogans. However, some of these slogans had a provocative tone, bordering on coercion against those who were cautious about the unfolding events or held differing opinions. These chants were imbued with a sense of moral suppression, an arm-twisting mentality, and perhaps even a form of intimidation against anyone who did not openly support the declared revolutionary political agenda. Some of these slogans claimed a monopoly on truth and righteousness for themselves or their proponents, practicing exclusion against those who disagreed. They rejected diversity and pluralism of thought, dismissing alternative viewpoints, and fostering a division among people into 'with us or against us.' Consequently, this mindset incited a form of intimidation that bordered on terror against those who remained silent, labeling them as 'passive.' This represents a totalitarian and extremist stance summarized by the mantra, 'If you are not with us, you are against us.' The silence or hesitation of others was deemed negative, a position that did not sit well with those who considered themselves armed with revolutionary consciousness. The 'negatives' were threatened and intimidated with promises of retribution in the future, wielded with an iron fist. Among the chants that still linger in my memory is: 'Oh, woe to you, oh negative one, from our fierce blows, And the concealed will be exposed, while the stages are long.' Another chant that deeply troubled me, leaving a haunting impression on those around me, was: 'Strike the sheikhs… strike them' Perhaps this was because my maternal uncles in the North were associated with the 'sheikhs,' despite their extremely modest and perhaps even dire circumstances. There were no significant social distinctions that set them apart from ordinary people, at least within their milieu. I recall that my uncle (Ali Salem – Da'bal) would borrow money from my father, who was also struggling financially. My grandfather, my mother's father, was known for his asceticism and humility, dedicating most of his time to reading the Quran in his study or room, seeking closeness to his Lord and hoping for His mercy and paradise. Yet, this did not shield him from the fervent extremism of the Left in the South. When he went to Aden for medical treatment, he was forcibly disappeared, and his news ceased from that moment; we have known nothing of him since *** Between the past and present, extremists resemble each other in their overwhelming zeal and their claims to possess truth and righteousness. The experiences we have lived through during these years of war, and what we continue to endure, reveal a childishness, extremism, and racism that remind us of those who see life in only black and white. For them, neutrality or differing viewpoints from their alignments are unacceptable, even if one stands opposed to all parties in the conflict. This sentiment also reflects the positions of the warring factions regarding issues of opinion and expression. Such closed extremism suffocates us in the face of diversity and multiplicity. Each side in the war sought to drag us into its polluted quagmire, desiring to submerge us until we reached its depths. Each believes that the homeland is 'their father's possession,' viewing their own perspective as the only truth, and seeing themselves as the embodiment of that truth. Over the years, many illusions began to unravel, but at the cost of a nation that has become torn and fragmented. This is the era of the trivial, the extremists, and the dismal outcomes of a war rife with atrocities, conspiracies, and hatred, weighed down by destruction and profound devastation. Extremism poses a danger not only to those who differ but also to reason, logic, wisdom, diversity, and sanity. It threatens the people, society, and the future. The policy of 'if you are not with us, you are against us' is a terrifying and destructive approach that harms nations and the future we aspire to. Extremist religious groups divide people into only two camps, while some religious movements have grown more aggressive. After gaining power, they incite hostility against those who do not align with them, labeling them as traitors, mercenaries, or hypocrites who must be subjugated to their narrow agenda, or crushed by their oppressive might. Meanwhile, other political factions have also adopted extremism, aligning themselves with aggression and occupation, thus becoming agents of its agendas at the expense of the homeland and its future. * * * Returning to my earlier point: I studied in the preparatory stage at Al-Shahid Najib School in Al-Turbah during the mid-1970s, specifically from 1976 to 1978, if memory serves me correctly. I stayed in the dormitory, where a significant number of students from the neighboring northern regions attended this school, also residing in its facilities. The state of the South provided them with meals in addition to accommodation. Notably, the school principal was Abdu Ali from Qabita Al-Akrob, with Hassan Mohammed Ali serving as his political deputy from Qabeta Subaih in the North. The head of the cultural center also hailed from Al-Mabq or Al-Sawalaha in the North. Our decision to move to the South for education stemmed either from the absence of preparatory schools in our weary rural areas or from political and social reasons that compelled us to pursue our studies at this Southern institution. We will forever remember its kindness towards us, regardless of how much time passes. In summary, we owe a debt of gratitude to the state of the South—the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen—a favor we will never forget or deny. We were in dire need of education; without it, ignorance would have devoured us, and the absence of knowledge could very well have led us to potential ruin, if not certain loss. In this context, it is fitting to recall the words of the poet Al-Mutanabbi: 'If you honor the noble, you will possess him*** And if you honor the base, he will rebel.'


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