
Amid bleak polling numbers, Edmonton could be an essential NDP stronghold: expert
The NDP is up against major challenges this federal election, predicted to lose seats across the country — but one expert says it's possible the party bucks that trend in Alberta.
That possibility might be why Jagmeet Singh was the first federal leader to stop in Edmonton during the campaign period on Monday and Tuesday.
In a news conference, Singh said the NDP has subverted expectations before in the province.
"Here in Edmonton, people had counted out Blake Desjarlais. They said, 'oh, no way that Blake can win in Edmonton Griesbach' — Blake Desjarlais beat a Conservative," Singh said.
"In Alberta, New Democrats beat Conservatives."
Chaldeans Mensah, an associate professor of political science at MacEwan University, said the NDP has a strong ground game in Edmonton, and the party can do well locally despite national polls.
"Every seat counts," Mensah said. "They need to hold the two seats they have here in Edmonton and perhaps if they work hard, to gain the seat in Edmonton Centre."
He noted this is especially important this year as the party fights to maintain official party status, needing at least 12 seats.
As of Monday, CBC Poll Tracker is projecting three seats for the NDP nationwide — and broken down by province, one or two of those seats could come from Alberta. The metric is a best estimate of how many seats each party would win if an election were held today.
Mensah said that the national party is being squeezed out with voters worried about the impact of U.S. President Donald Trump's threat of tariffs — and lingering reputational damage from the supply and confidence agreement with Justin Trudeau's Liberals.
But Mensah said those national problems may not pan out for local campaigns.
NDP MP Blake Desjarlais currently holds the Edmonton Griesbach seat and Heather McPherson holds Edmonton Strathcona. Mensah said the NDP brand is still strong in both of those ridings.
In Griesbach, the Conservatives have also had success and Kerry Diotte — who won in 2015 and 2019 — is running again. Mensah said those swings make that riding harder to predict.
Edmonton Centre is competitive for all three parties, but has swung between the Conservatives and the Liberals. Mensah said the NDP candidate and former school board trustee Trisha Estabrooks could turn it orange.
"I think that this particular candidate has a special circumstance of being very strong," Mensah said.
He noted that the progressive vote splitting could benefit the Liberals, but Estabrooks is well known in the community, and might be able to pull off a victory.
"With her community connections and name recognition, I think she is poised maybe to pull off an upset."
Estabrooks said the stakes are high, but the national polls don't always tell the local story.
"It's a race that's being watched closely because New Democrats have never won here federally before. It's a battleground because in this race, there is no incumbent," Estabrooks said.
McPherson, the MP for Edmonton Strathcona said she's only seen the party grow since getting elected in 2019, and feels optimistic that trend will continue.
"Absolutely we want to see some growth in Edmonton. I'd like to see us at least double our seat count."
Edmonton Strathcona won by the highest margin for the NDP nationwide with nearly 61 per cent of the vote in 2021. But McPherson said she doesn't take that for granted.
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Winnipeg Free Press
2 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Quebec Liberals to elect new leader at convention in provincial capital
QUÉBEC – The Quebec Liberal Party will choose its new leader today at a convention in the provincial capital. Five candidates are vying for the party's leadership, none of whom currently hold a seat in the provincial legislature. The frontrunners are Pablo Rodriguez, a former federal minister, Karl Blackburn, former president of a Quebec employers group, and Charles Milliard, former head of the federation of Quebec chambers of commerce. The party is hoping to make a comeback after suffering two crushing defeats in the 2018 and 2022 elections. The Liberals are now trying to reconnect with francophone voters outside Montreal in the hopes of forming government in the next election, set for October 2026. The new leader, to be elected by the party's roughly 20,000 members, will be announced later this afternoon in Quebec City. This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 14, 2025.

National Observer
3 hours ago
- National Observer
What Gregor Robertson's housing track record can tell us about his ministerial plans
There's a paradox at the heart of today's housing crisis that few politicians are willing to name, let alone solve: Millions of Canadians can't afford a home and desperately want prices to go down. But millions of other Canadians do own a home and desperately want prices not to go down. This is the pickle Canada's new housing minister, Gregor Robertson, failed to address on his inauspicious first day on the job, when a journalist asked him, 'Do you think that prices need to go down?' It was a trick question of course, or at least one loaded with subtext: which massive cohort of Canadians do you plan to screw over, the ones who own a home or the ones who don't? Instead of recognizing the trap, Robertson blithely answered the question he was asked. 'No, I think that we need to deliver more supply, make sure the market is stable – it's a huge part of our economy – but we need to be delivering more affordable housing.' The only part of that answer anyone heard was the first word. ' Canada's new housing minister doesn't think prices need to go down,' CTV trumpeted, as 100 similar headlines ricocheted around the country before the day was over. Full disclosure: I am both a homeowner (albeit one who wishes prices would, in fact, go down), and an acquaintance of Robertson's. I haven't seen or spoken to him in several months, and the housing ministry did not make him or anyone else available to comment for this story. Robertson's opening debacle with the parliamentary press scrum struck me as a rookie move — one that might have been excusable for a rookie politician, but that's not what Robertson is. He's the former three-term mayor of one of Canada's biggest cities, as Conservatives kept reminding him throughout his first week in Question Period. Expanding on the theme of Robertson's supposed love for expensive housing, Conservatives repeatedly accused Robertson of causing Vancouver's housing crisis during his 10-year stint as mayor, during which time home prices almost tripled. Everyone ignored the rest of Robertson's answer, where he talked about delivering more affordable housing, but it's worth revisiting. How exactly does the government intend to do this? How can you introduce cheap housing at one end of the market without affecting prices throughout the rest of it? So far, the only details we have come from the mandate for Build Canada Homes (BCH), the new federal agency Robertson will be in charge of. As the name implies, BCH promises in its mandate to 'get the federal government back in the business of building homes.' Through this agency, the federal government will 'act as a developer to build affordable housing at scale.' Canada doesn't need hundreds or thousands of new homes. It needs millions. That hasn't happened in more than 30 years. And if you ask people in the trenches of getting affordable housing built, it's exactly what the country needs. 'More than just housing' Municipal councils are at the vanguard of housing, from approving changes to land use to issuing building permits, and Robertson entered local politics in 2008, a moment when the federal government had thoroughly washed its hands of the housing portfolio. 'When the minister was first elected mayor of Vancouver, the federal government was openly hostile to the idea of investing in affordable housing,' recalls Thom Anderson, CEO of the Co-Operative Housing Federation of BC. Anderson has been in that role since 2000, and remembers when a newly minted Mayor Robertson struck a task force on affordable housing for Vancouver. One of the notions to come out of that task force was the idea of putting municipal land toward the housing crisis through a body known as Community Land Trust. At Robertson's request, the city put out a call for tenders to build affordable housing on city land. 'Essentially the request said, 'Look, if we made land the city owns available to a Community Land Trust on a 99-year lease for, say, 10 dollars, what could you build?'' Anderson said. 'How quickly could you build it and how affordable would it be, now and in the long haul?' Anderson submitted a tender on behalf of his provincial co-op federation, and won a contract to build 358 homes in an abandoned section of Vancouver's River District. 'That was so successful that the city then gave us seven more sites. And then two more. And now, 10 years later, we've built out 12 sites owned by the city, leased on the long term to the Community Land Trusts, including more than 1,000 deeply affordable co-op homes that will be deeply affordable forever.' In 2021, Monica Jut moved into one of the River District co-op units that Robertson and Anderson helped bring into being. 'It's been one of the most impactful decisions of our lives. It's given us more than just housing; it's given us stability, connection with the other members, and the freedom to grow,'Jut said. She moved here with her teenage daughter from Maple Ridge. 'We lived in market housing, but most of those places were rentals, and when the landlords were selling, it meant that we had to find another place to live.' Jut became a widow 10 years ago. She works for the federal government and has a stable income, but as a single mother, she was unable to afford a home in Vancouver. She pays approximately two-thirds the market rate for her two-bedroom flat, and knows she'll never be subjected to rent hikes or forced to move again. 'The biggest benefit of being part of the Community Land Trust is definitely stability. What they do is they protect our land from speculation and ensure that our homes remain permanently affordable. That security allows us to have bigger dreams.' In addition to making municipal land available, Vancouver – under Robertson's leadership – became the first city in Canada to impose a speculation tax, as well as an empty homes tax, which now generates roughly $150 million each year that is put entirely toward non-market housing. 'It was characterized as a punitive tax grab at the time,' Anderson recalls, 'but if you're going to take some of the wealth generated off the real estate asset base and redistribute it to create more affordable homes, what better use for a tax could there be?' Housing solutions Many of the affordable-housing ideas Robertson came up with have since spread across the country. 'Cities across the country are looking at their own land as a potential way to address the housing crisis, and Gregor could see that early in the process,' said Abi Bond, who spent five years as director of Toronto's housing secretariat after she worked with Robertson as Vancouver's director of homelessness and affordable housing programs. 'He also understood how important it was to embed affordability into supply. When you look at what the City of Vancouver delivered, it's not just supply[ing] market rental. It also includes social housing, supportive housing, all of those types of homes as well. So he didn't forget about people who are experiencing homelessness that needed places to live.' Near the end of Robertson's term, he led a successful push to get provincial funding for temporary modular housing to provide shelter for unhoused city residents. With the help of provincial funding, Vancouver approved 11 modular housing projects in his final year in office, leading to the rapid construction of over 600 units. These numbers, like the amount of co-op housing built (224 units) or approved (648 units) under Robertson's mandate, were drowned out by the wave of price increases and homelessness that overwhelmed any positive impacts Robertson was able to achieve. As a result, Robertson's oft-repeated claim to have built more affordable housing than any other mayor in Canada tends to ring hollow – especially in light of his ill-advised promise, early in his career, to end homelessness in Vancouver. Bond agrees that the solutions Robertson came up with were insufficient to save Vancouver from the twin explosion of housing costs and homelessness. But she doesn't feel that was the mayor's fault. 'It's very challenging to control the market at a municipal level, especially when many of the things affecting that market, affecting the housing crisis, are not in your control.' Anderson agrees and blames 'the complete absence of federal and provincial partners' for the problems that overwhelmed Robertson's best efforts to do what he could with the limited funds a mayor has to work with. Even so, 'as a result of [Robertson's work as mayor], there is now a fledgling network of community land trusts literally all over the country – in Alberta, Ontario, and Nova Scotia – reclaiming neighbourhoods for whole communities who are dispossessed,' Anderson said. 'You don't do that without a political champion, and our political champion was Gregor Robertson.' Millions of homes needed Four thousand kilometers east of Vancouver, Tom Clement saw what Robertson and Anderson were accomplishing. As CEO of the Co-Operative Housing Federation of Toronto, the largest co-op federation in Canada, Clement decided to follow suit. 'We're very impressed with what's happened in Vancouver, the great work they did when Gregor Robertson was the mayor,' he said. Clement's federation is currently collaborating with a community land trust to build a 612-unit co-op in Scarborough, the biggest of its kind to be built since the federal government stopped building co-op housing under former rime minister Jean Chretien. Like all co-ops, the Scarborough complex will provide rent at below-market rates (typically 65 per cent of market rates, though that figure varies across projects and regions). The complex is being built through a mix of municipal land grants and federal financing. 'That's what I call the BC model,' Clement said. When asked how he felt about Robertson ascending to federal cabinet, Clement was thrilled. 'To have such an experienced federal housing minister, it's fantastic. You've got to understand the municipalities. Housing is very much a municipal-level issue, but there's no way that the municipalities can do it alone. They need a federal program, a strong federal partnership, and I think that's what he's going to bring.' But scale remains the issue. Canada doesn't need hundreds or thousands of new homes. It needs millions. 'One of the biggest inhibiting factors of scale is how fast and how much financing and grants you can actually access,' said Bond. 'For most municipalities, that's what's controlling their ability to move quickly. Everybody has the ambition, they've got sites, they've got access to density through local zoning. But the federal government has been limited by the scope of their programs.' That appears poised to change now with Robertson at the helm of an agency – Build Canada Homes – that expressly promises 'to provide $10 billion in low-cost financing and capital to affordable home builders.' That's on top of tens of billions more in other financing and grants, plus the federal lands that Robertson is now in a position to add to municipal community land trusts. 'He's got the prime minister's mandate to embrace a new program of supply-like construction that hasn't been seen since just after the Second World War,' says Anderson, head of the Co-operative Housing Federation of BC. At the same time, Anderson cautioned Robertson 'is going to be inheriting a machinery, through the Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation and the federal bureaucracy, that hasn't been challenged to do that for quite some time. There's a lot of muscle memory that's been lost there.' On top of reinvigorating federal bureaucracies, Robertson now confronts the task of aligning 13 provincial and territorial governments with thousands of towns and cities. The odds are steep, and the timelines are almost guaranteed to disappoint anyone hoping for a sudden change in Canada's housing crisis. But after 25 years in the business of affordable housing, Anderson is more optimistic today than he's ever been. 'We haven't had a housing minister in a long, long time, if ever, that is so ready to tackle this challenge.'


CBC
4 hours ago
- CBC
Liberals see a need for speed on major projects bill. Critics warn that's risky
Social Sharing Liberals are attempting to bulldoze their mega projects bill through Parliament, according to critics who say the legislation interferes with Indigenous rights, environmental protection and democracy itself. The government's One Canadian Economy Act is generating controversy inside and outside the House of Commons, with some arguing it confers king-like powers to rush projects deemed in the national interest to completion. The Liberals say the bill is intended to fast-track major projects as Canada faces the urgency of a disruptive Donald Trump presidency. "We have a trade war that is affecting sector after sector after sector. Canadian jobs are at risk. Canadians' livelihoods are at risk and, quite frankly, the prosperity of the country is at risk," said Tim Hodgson, the natural resources and energy minister, at a news conference Thursday. "We need to do things that we have not done in a long time, in time frames we have not done since the end of World War II." What's in the bill? The One Canadian Economy Act, or Bill C-5, will create a list of major nation-building projects. After a designated project is added to the list, the government will publish a document outlining all the conditions that builders must follow. A single designated minister — likely Dominic LeBlanc in this government — would be responsible for listing the projects and issuing the conditions document. "For far too long major projects, whether energy transmission lines, critical mineral developments, pipelines or clean technology projects, have been stalled by assessments, challenges and overlapping and duplicative regulations," said Leblanc on Friday during a procedural debate in the House Friday. What gets on the list? The prime minister has provided examples of projects that could be included on the list based on recommendations from Canada's premiers. Ports, mines, renewable energy and oil and gas pipelines could make the list, he said. The legislation offers the following criteria: Strengthening Canada's autonomy, resilience and security. Providing economic or other benefits to Canada. Having a high likelihood of successful execution. Advancing the interests of Indigenous Peoples. Contributing to clean growth and to meeting Canada's climate objectives. The legislation gives the government broad discretion to apply all or none of these criteria, which worries Conservatives who still seem generally supportive of the bill. "These concepts are broad enough that any interpretation or any argument could be made about each factor either way for each project," said Shannon Stubbs, the Conservative critic for energy and natural resources, during debate on the bill on Friday. 'Leap before you look' assessments Some academics are concerned about what happens if the bill's broad powers to speed up projects aren't used carefully. "That could be good for the economy if it is used wisely," said University of Ottawa law and economics professor Stewart Elgie. "But it could be bad for the environment if it is used poorly." For major infrastructure and development projects on the list, such as hydroelectric dams, ports and large-scale mines, the bill removes the Impact Assessment Agency of Canada's authority to limit them. But it does place limits on the minister's ability to fast-track cross-border pipelines and nuclear reactors. It states the minister cannot issue the approval document until both the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission and the Canada Energy Regulator are "satisfied that issuing the document will not compromise the health or safety of persons." However, the bill suggests the power of all federal regulators and departments is constrained, as it states that every opinion and decision formed about a project once listed must be "in favour of permitting the project to be carried out in whole or in part." This creates what some academics are calling a "leap before you look" approach that turns the federal environmental review's informed decision-making "on its head." Henry VIII clauses Those same researchers also note that a legislative tool — Henry VIII clauses, named after the autocratic King Henry VIII of England — are tucked into the bill. WATCH | PM Mark Carney says 'more will be done' on energy: Carney says 'more will be done' on energy, but conversation isn't all about pipelines 17 days ago Duration 3:52 Asked by CBC's Power & Politics host David Cochrane about the separatist sentiment in Alberta, Prime Minister Mark Carney says his government is 'committed' to working with Canadians across the country. Proposed legislation grants the Carney government, or future governments, the authority to exempt pipelines, mines or other listed projects from any law or government regulation. Near the very end of the 18-page bill, it states that cabinet can exempt national-interest projects from not only environmental laws but also acts of Parliament. "The combined effect of Sections 21, 22 and 23 gives cabinet an unconstrained ability to make regulations that not only alter the application of other federal regulations … but also to alter the operation of virtually all laws duly passed by Parliament, including outright exemption," as noted in a post co-authored by University of Calgary law professors David Wright and Martin Olszynski. What about Indigenous rights? The proposed law commits to consulting with provincial and territorial governments, as well as Indigenous Peoples, before a project is listed and a conditions document is issued or altered. Indigenous Services Minister Mandy Gull-Masty on Thursday told reporters that the bill does not "do away with impact assessments" and there are "multiple points" where First Nations and other groups can bring forward their concerns. "The prime minister has been clear: these projects will be selected if the communities wish to participate," she said. Nevertheless, a national Indigenous group has raised concerns about a lack of consultation on the bill itself and what that could mean for the prospect of ongoing consultation. "Unfortunately, the government provided First Nations only seven days to respond to an outline of the bill and did not provide the full text (a consultative draft) in advance," the national chief of the Assembly of First Nations, Cindy Woodhouse Nepinak, said in a statement. Likely Conservative backing Conservatives have signalled that they are open to backing the bill, proposing some changes during the House of Commons debate. Stubbs said the party would like to see it go further and faster while calling for a repeal of regulations like the Trudeau-era law that banned the oil tankers from ports or marine installations along British Columbia's north coast. "Canadians deserve a government that backs them. Not a government that blocks them," Stubbs said. However, with C-5's broad powers to sidestep existing laws for approved projects, the tanker ban could be overriden without repealing anything. The Bloc Québécois has said the bill, in theory, could exempt a company building a major project from a range of laws, including the Labour Code, Criminal Code and language laws. The party is calling for more scrutiny of the bill. "How could we go forward with such a huge bill, with huge consequences for Quebec and Canada, without at least doing what we have been elected to do — and that means studying effectively this bill in committee," Bloc Leader Yves-François Blanchet said. Concerns over bad-faith use The Liberals intend to send the bill to committee for two days of study before hoping to get it passed on Friday. Green Party Leader Elizabeth May takes issue with what she calls an "abbreviated bulldozer time frame." At least one Liberal is calling for changes to the bill, which is supposed to terminate in five years. Vancouver MP Patrick Weiler wants the government to shorten the bill's five-year sunset clause, which he noted would go beyond Trump's term and "at least one more federal election." "We need to consider how this legislation could be used in bad faith by a future government," he said.