The Irish Times view on basic income for artists: keep it going
Reports this week that Minister for Arts Patrick O'Donovan supports the continuation of the Basic Income for the Arts (BIA) scheme will be welcomed by the sector. Introduced on a pilot basis by the Minister's predecessor, Catherine Martin, in October 2022, the scheme provides a payment of about ¤325 per week to 2,000 full-time artists selected by lottery from a larger group of 9,000 applicants. The intention was to gather robust data on whether such payment delivered meaningful benefits to the working practice of participants.
Virtually every political party in the Dáil committed during last year's election campaign to the BIA's continuation. But there was more ambiguity on the matter in the Programme for Government. That was perfectly reasonable as the data required examination before any decision could be made. But it caused disquiet among artists' groups as the expiry date in August approached.
The Minister has now confirmed he will seek funding to 'extend and expand' the BIA. His comments follow the release of a report which found it 'significantly impacts the subjective experience of financial uncertainty in the lives of recipients'.
The scheme is a response to the fact that precarity and low incomes are a reality of life for many professional artists. This diminishes their ability to reach their full creative potential. It also acts as a barrier to entry for those from economically marginalised backgrounds, perpetuating the stereotype of the arts as a middle-class playground. For these reasons, the basic income is an imaginative and positive addition to more traditional funding mechanisms such as the Arts Council.
READ MORE
The challenge for O'Donovan and his officials will lie in redefining the scheme and securing the necessary funds. How many artists will be supported in future and will their participation be time-limited? The BIA currently costs the department ¤35 million per year, compared to spending of ¤300 million overall on arts and culture, so any expansion could have significant budgetary implications. None of this should be insuperable, though, and the Minister has made the right call.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Times
6 hours ago
- Irish Times
The Irish economy grew by 22% over the past year. Yes, you read that right
Ireland's economic data was always going to be a bit special at the start of this year. But Thursday's figures were mind-bending. It is impossible to overstate the extent to which we now stand out in international comparisons. And this is not just a curiosity – it matters. The economy, as measured by gross domestic product (GDP) , was 22 per cent larger in the first quarter of 2025 than one year earlier, according to the latest estimates from the Central Statistics Office . Think about it. The figures suggest that for every €1 of activity last year, there was €1.22 in 2025. Even comparing GDP in the first quarter of this year with the last quarter of 2024, there is a rise of close to 10 per cent – this is roughly the extent of growth across the euro zone over the past decade. Of course this bonkers data is not real, in the sense that it does not reflect what is happening in the underlying economy in which we all live. How could it? As has been long discussed the headline economic data is entirely distorted by the activities and tax planning of a small number of very big US tech and pharma companies. From time to time, this has created huge distortions in the figures. A decade ago, top US economist Paul Krugman famously described a 26 per cent GDP growth rate reported for the Irish economy (later revised up to over 30 per cent) as 'leprechaun' economics . At the time the figures were distorted by massive tax-driven investments by the companies concerned, including Apple, essentially a manoeuvre by the companies involved to try to keep their tax bills down as international rules changed. READ MORE Now, as one observer put it, we are seeing another 'Krugman' moment. This time the reasons are different. Big pharma companies have been rushing product over to the US to try to get drugs and key ingredients into the market before Donald Trump announces tariffs on the sector. This has led to a surge in exports, feeding into the GDP data. Many of these are manufactured here – and some are made elsewhere but organised by Irish subsidiaries and so also show up in our figures. And so we see a massive surge in Irish GDP in the first quarter of this year. A big – temporary – decline in pharma exports in GDP will follow at some stage, as the firms involved must now have massive stocks jammed into every free warehouse in the US. Much will depend on how the tariffs story plays out. [ Welcome (back) to the era of Leprechaun economics Opens in new window ] Whether Krugman renews his leprechaun offensive or not, let's not pretend this won't be noticed. Ireland's GDP data is not some irrelevance in a quirky economic corner. The amounts of money being moved through Ireland are now enormous. Daniel Kral, chief economist at Oxford Economics , calculates that Ireland – which accounts for 4 per cent of the euro zone economy – accounted for half its total growth over the past year. Analysts have taken to looking at the figures 'excluding Ireland'. How do we pull back from all of this to judge the underlying health of the economy? Total demand in the domestic economy – adjusted by the CSO to remove the multinational factors - rose just 1 per cent over the year. But we need to look under the surface here, too. Consumer spending, a good measure of how we feel, was up by a decent 2.5 per cent. But the overall figure was dragged down by a fall in business investment, presumably reflecting the international uncertainty. So households continued to spend in the first part of the year, but businesses are taking a wait-and-see approach to big capital spending. This is likely to be reflected in the jobs market as the year goes on – and here AI is also changing the game in many sectors. Consumers may get more cautious too. Uncertainty is starting to slow the economy and this is a trend we need to watch as the year goes on. The piece of data that seemed a bit out of line this week was a 30 per cent fall in corporation tax in May compared with the same month last year. This was affected by the comparison with a strong May last year – which the Department of Finance suggests was boosted by once-off factors. Two of our biggest taxpayers, Pfizer and Microsoft – pay significant amounts of tax that month. But the key early indicator for most of the big companies is June – and what happens here will give a good pointer for the year as a whole. The figures do underline one point. It is our huge reliance on the opaque affairs of four or five massive companies – and our exposure to the sectors they operate in, their own performance and complex decisions on how their tax structures are set up. Our latest bout of data exceptionalism again puts Ireland in the spotlight, when it would have been better to keep the head down. It underlines the outsize take Ireland is getting from pharma and tech activity in the EU – both contentious points in the White House. Notably, the US added Ireland to an economic watch list this week, based on the size of our trade surplus. We are very much on the radar in Washington. Our corporate tax take and manufacturing base are looked on enviously not only from the US , but from elsewhere in Europe. [ 'No long-term commitments to anything' – Ireland's economy is experiencing a silent slowdown Opens in new window ] The advance shipping of products again focuses attention on the scale of activity and tax planning in Ireland by big pharma companies. And this causes a rollercoaster of cyclical activity. But what really counts is longer-term, structural issues. Will these pharma giants decide over time – and it would take years – to relocate some of their production to the US? Will their profits and thus tax payments here be hit by Trump's policies? Or will they – or some of the tech giants – alter their corporate structures so that they pay significantly less tax here? It comes down to whether Trump's policies change the way the economic and corporate world operates fundamentally, a fair bit or not much at all. As Ireland benefits from the current system so much, the more it changes, the more risks there are for us. The coming months will tell a lot.

Irish Times
7 hours ago
- Irish Times
Analysts ring alarm bells over private credit risks
Ask financial regulators what keeps them up at night, and the growth of private credit would probably be among the top answers. A report published this week by Moody's Analytics underscores just why non-bank lending is such a cause for concern in the current climate of volatility. Notably, the report echoes some concerns raised by the Central Bank of Ireland in a recent study published in May. With traditional lenders having largely retreated from the commercial property stage here since the crash, non-bank lending has become an important source of funding for the sector in the Republic. Typically, these lenders set up here as special-purpose entities, often backed by international players involved in some capacity in private credit markets. Operations of this type now provide most of the new lending to commercial property developers, according to the central bank's Kitty Moloney and Padraic O'Gorman, authors of last month's report. That's a relatively small part of the Irish economy as a whole, but one with historic baggage since the 2008 crisis. READ MORE The trouble, Molony and O'Gorman note, is that by its globalised nature, the private credit sector is more vulnerable to international shocks than traditional banks. It's a sector characterised by a high risk of 'capital flight', meaning these entities are more likely to cut bait in times of crisis, with significant knock-on effects for the Irish property sector. How to manage your pension in these volatile times Listen | 37:00 It's all the more perturbing given Moody's characterisation of global private credit as a potential 'locus of contagion' in any future financial crises. In the report, researchers from the ratings agency found that the opacity of the international private credit sector is one of its more troubling aspects. They warned that gaps in the data and 'limited information on loan covenants, true portfolio valuations, and the overlap of fund investors' constitute a 'serious issue' for regulators. Similarly, the central bank said that 'many analytical gaps remain as the market is still quite opaque'. Consequently, it's difficult to be precise when analysing the private credit sector and its reach. This lack of information, Moody's warned, coupled with the increasing involvement of traditional banks in the private credit market, is a 'common theme' between the current moment and the situation that prevailed in the lead up to the 2008 crisis. Worrying indeed, particularly at a time of high anxiety across markets and the wider global economy.


Irish Times
9 hours ago
- Irish Times
Death In Derry - Martin McGuinness and the Derry IRA's War Against The British: Strong on candour, weak on analysis
Death In Derry: Martin McGuinness and the Derry IRA's War Against The British Author : Jonathan Trigg ISBN-13 : 978-1785375477 Publisher : Merrion Press Guideline Price : €19.99 This book is a valuable contribution to the literature of the Troubles period and the history of the IRA. Jonathan Trigg has secured interviews with several former British soldiers and IRA members, many under pseudonyms. This is new material. The weaknesses in the book are that it is not strong on political analysis and that it accepts simplistic versions of key events such as the Battle of the Bogside and the Falls Road rioting of August 1969. He says, for instance, that the 1971 internment raids were not extended to loyalists because of unionist pressure. Actually, this was on legal advice that such a measure could not be used against a force that did not threaten the state – the same logic by which the Irish government refused to intern IRA members at the same time. READ MORE Trigg is happy to describe the period of violence as a war, accepting terminology favoured by the IRA themselves. He writes of IRA activists in a tone bordering on admiration, apparently as one soldier respecting others. [ A former British army officer and author on former IRA members opening up to him: 'Trust is a huge issue' Opens in new window ] That will grate with some who will prefer a more moralistic approach and will not like to read of murders being described as 'successes'. Trigg is a military historian. His strengths are in understanding military culture and warfare. It is almost endearing how he admits to occasional failings in his research. One IRA man refuses to tell him what he was jailed for and he leaves it at that, when another researcher might have gone into the newspaper archives and found out. He misses some important nuances. In a chapter about the south Derry IRA centred around Bellaghy, he attributes the reduced level of republican militancy in the area to the presence of the literary centre Seamus Heaney HomePlace, and the 'thousands of tourists wandering around with their camera phones'. Clearly he hasn't been to Bellaghy lately. However, he has secured the candour of several former Provos and soldiers, and this factor provides an understanding of their actions and their thinking that earns the book a place on the shelves of any serious future researchers or writers on the period. One amusing detail is that the British army developed a remote control camera system for monitoring suspects but had to scrap it because those suspects would hear the click and the whirr of the film winder. That wouldn't be a problem with the technology of today.