I think Keir Starmer's ineptitude here takes some beating

The Herald Scotland

16 hours ago

Sir Keir Starmer pays for that first challenge through reputational damage. We will all pay for the second challenge through other spending curbs and possible tax hikes.
I have covered politics for the odd decade. I have witnessed missteps aplenty by leaders from each and every political party. However, the ineptitude displayed here takes some beating.
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Consider the PM's demeanour. There he was at the NATO summit, promising a substantial increase in defence spending. Which, in itself, leaves some Labour MPs disquieted.
Asked about the growing insurrection over cuts to disability payments, he dismissed the complaints as 'noises off'. Cue yet more anger from discontented backbenchers, furious that their genuine concerns for the disadvantaged were downplayed in such a fashion.
Then, inevitably changing tack, he conceded on Thursday that there would be talks with the dissidents, aimed at achieving a settlement in line with 'Labour values of fairness.'
The rebels duly entered those talks. But many were privately asking themselves what happened to those 'Labour values' when Ministers proposed a package of reforms which their own official advisers said would push a quarter of a million people into poverty, including 50,000 children.
For pity's sake, what did Sir Keir and his Cabinet think the reaction would be to such a forecast? Meek acquiescence?
In viewing this spectacle, I could not help thinking of Neil Kinnock's 1985 conference speech, condemning Militant, when he summoned up 'the grotesque chaos of a Labour council – a Labour council – hiring taxis to scuttle round a city handing out redundancy notices to its own workers.'
Change the accent, excise the oratory and you have Keir Starmer heading a Labour government – a Labour government – driving people into poverty with cuts in disability support.
Sir Keir has now performed a hat-trick of U-turns. On winter fuel payments, on a statutory inquiry into grooming gangs – and on welfare. This is by far the most substantive.
Can he come back from this? He can – although there is a much shorter electoral timetable in Scotland. But, still, it makes us revisit basic questions about his leadership.
Firstly, last July's big Labour win is not solely or even chiefly down to him. He entered Downing Street because folk were heartily sick of the Tories – and sought a conduit to kick them out.
As things stand, Reform seem to be offering an alternative for those who have broadened their disgust – and are utterly sick of established politics, full stop.
Secondly, with some exceptions, the team around him have failed to shine. Including the Chancellor. Was there really nobody to suggest gently that the emperor was somewhat short of bodily cover on the benefits issue?
Were they, perhaps understandably to some degree, so engrossed in global crisis that they failed to notice – or, rather, sufficiently address – the concerns of their backbenchers over the most distressed and disadvantaged of our citizens?
Thirdly, and ironically, the very weakness of the Conservatives adds to Sir Keir's problems. To be blunt, he has nothing to beat. Relatively little is required of him in the Commons or in public discourse.
Finally, those Labour values. When you contemplate Sir Keir, do you really summon up principles such as egalitarianism and fairness?
Yes, you will know of his upbringing, His mum, the nurse. His father, the toolmaker. He told us often enough. But do values of commonality and collective endeavour shine through from him?
I get the concept. He took over from Jeremy Corbyn and felt obliged to stress that Labour had moved from the Left, had changed – and would, consequently, change the country.
On assuming office, Rachel Reeves felt the need to assuage the markets with a balanced budget. Hence the stress she placed upon curbing winter fuel payments. For a Labour Chancellor, it was deliberately counter-intuitive. Again, I get it.
In due course, they backed down on winter fuel. And the cuts to disability benefits went too far for their party. Way too far. And for the voters.
By chance, I chaired a conference on the issue in Glasgow this month. Two things stood out. Deep, genuine apprehension over the benefit cuts. And entrenched distrust over the package of support for getting jobs.
Labour know they got this badly wrong. The emphasis on job creation needed to come first. The cuts needed to be moderated. Both will now happen. Sir Keir will insist that reform is still on track.
However, this has been a fundamentally damaging episode for the PM. I understand the motivation. The desire to be fiscally cautious, to generate funds for spending in other quarters. But this was the wrong target, introduced in the wrong way.
No doubt temporarily, Sir Keir seemed to forget which party he was leading – and in which legislature. He is Prime Minister, primus inter pares, completely dependent upon Commons votes. Not a dismissive, stand-alone President.
Those were not 'noises off'. They were concerns voiced by his backbenchers, his supporters, the bulwark of his power.
Then there is Scotland. Where former Labour Minister Brian Wilson, writing in The Herald, urged a rethink to avoid 'a deep and lasting split'.
Where former MSP Neil Findlay questioned the sanity of Labour MPs – while warning that their chances of re-election would be reduced, not enhanced.
Where the Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar was left stranded. Backing the principle of reform – while urging 'fairness'. In practice, as his MP colleagues made up their minds, his influence appeared minimal.
He was duly lampooned by John Swinney at Holyrood – as the SNP cited figures indicating that child poverty is down in Scotland, by contrast with England and Wales.
There is a way back for the PM. There is almost always a way back. But this has been deeply, deeply damaging. For Sir Keir Starmer, never glad confident morning again.
Brian Taylor is a former political editor for BBC Scotland and a columnist for The Herald. He cherishes his family, the theatre – and Dundee United FC