
Disabled child's fight for fair treatment could help others - or raise bar for discrimination claims
Disabled child's fight for fair treatment could help others - or raise bar for discrimination claims The case is a being closely watched by disability rights groups who say the courts have created a 'nearly insurmountable barrier' for help sought by schoolchildren and their families.
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Supreme Court rejects broader disability review for veterans
The Supreme Court ruled 7-2 that the Veterans Court does not have to reexamine all evidence when reviewing disability benefits denials.
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A student with a rare form of epilepsy said her school failed to accommodate her need for different instructional hours.
The student won her case under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act but was blocked from suing for damages under two other federal laws.
School officials across the country and advocates for students with disabilities are closely following what standard the Supreme Court will set for such suits.
WASHINGTON − When a Minnesota family took their fight for fair treatment for their disabled daughter to the Supreme Court, they hoped the justices would make it easier for them to hold their school district accountable.
Many lower courts use a tougher standard for discrimination suits related to education than for other allegations pursued through the Americans with Disabilities Act. Gina and Aaron Tharpe want the Supreme Court stop that.
But the district is defending itself in a way that threatens to raise the bar for all victims of disability discrimination, they say.
Lawyers for the Tharpes told the court the Osseo Area School District is pursuing 'a sweeping argument threatening to eviscerate protections for every American who endures disability discrimination – and quite possibly other kinds of discrimination too.'
"No court has ever embraced anything close to the District's new rule," they wrote.
The school district's attorneys say the standard for all claims should be whether there was intentional discrimination.
Otherwise, any negligent or even good-faith failure to give a student with special needs an appropriate education could expose public schools to 'potentially crushing liability,' they told the Supreme Court.
The justices on April 28 will hear that argument.
Closely watched by disability rights groups
The case is a being closely watched by disability rights groups who say the courts have created a 'nearly insurmountable barrier' for help sought by schoolchildren and their families.
But school officials across the country worry that making lawsuits for damages easier to win will create a more adversarial relationship between parents and schools in the difficult negotiations needed to balance a student's needs with a school's limited resources.
Litigation will also shrink those resources, lawyers for a national association of school superintendents and other educational groups told the Supreme Court in urging the justices to 'proceed with caution.'
More: Justice Department asks Supreme Court to rule narrowly on whether the ADA protects retirees
Morning seizures prevented a typical school schedule
The dispute started when the Tharpes moved in 2015 to a Twins City suburb from Tennessee where they said Ava's needs had been accommodated.
Ava has severe cognitive impairment and a rare form of epilepsy. Her seizures are so frequent in the morning that she can't attend school before noon. Ava's Tennessee school shifted her school day so it started in the afternoon and ended with evening instruction at home.
But the Tharpes say her Minnesota school refused to provide the same adjustment. As a result, she received only 4.25 hours of instruction a day, about two-thirds of what non-disabled students received.
And as Ava prepared to enter middle school, that time was going to shrink further.
The Tharpes then went to court.
Ava wins IDEA claim but blocked from other suits
An administrative law judge said the school district's top concern hadn't been Ava's needs but a desire to keep employees from having to work past the traditional end of the school day. The district was required to provide more instruction under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.
But while a federal judge backed that decision, the judge said the Tharpes couldn't also use the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 to seek compensatory damages and an injunction to permanently set the hours of instruction.
The St. Louis-based 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals likewise said their hands were tied because of a 1982 decision from that circuit – Monahan v. Nebraska − that said school officials need to have acted with 'bad faith or gross misjudgment' for suits involving educational services for children with disabilities.
The Tharpes 'may have established a genuine dispute about whether the district was negligent or even deliberately indifferent, but under Monahan, that's just not enough,' the appeals court said.
`Hundreds' of other court cases have applied tougher standard
Hundreds of district court decisions across the country have been litigated under that standard, with most of them ending in a loss for the families, according to Tharpes' attorneys.
Those courts are unfairly using a tougher standard than 'deliberate indifference,' which is the bar for damages in disability discrimination cases outside the school setting, their attorneys argue.
That position is backed by the Justice Department.
School says it made good-faith effort to help Ava
Attorneys for the school district counter that the ADA and the Rehabilitation Act prohibit only intentional discrimination, which is not what happened here. They also say they did not show 'deliberate indifference.'
Although the school declined to provide after-school support at Ava's home, officials said they offered other measures to accommodate her needs while 'effectively utilizing scarce resources shared among all students, including others with disabilities.'
Like many of the nation's 19,000 school districts, they argue, Osseo Area Schools regularly face budget shortfalls and don't have enough staff.
Sometimes a district's best efforts won't be enough, but Congress didn't intend to expose public schools to monetary damages and federal court oversight when good-faith efforts fail to satisfy everyone, they told the Supreme Court.
More: Supreme Court sides against veterans wanting stronger benefit of the doubt review in disability claims
Advocates say more help is needed for students with disabilities
But advocates for children with disabilities say the remedies available under the IDEA aren't always enough.
For example, a deaf student who did not graduate from high school until his mid-twenties in part because his school assigned him a classroom aide who did not know sign language should be able to sue for diminished future job opportunities and wages, they argue.
A Michigan family should be able to recover lost wages and medical expenses because their son's mental health deteriorated after his school failed to assist him with his schoolwork following a month-long, illness-related absence, they said.
'Without these remedies,' they told the court, 'school children subjected to discrimination would be left without full redress for the harms inflicted on them.'
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Washington Post
6 minutes ago
- Washington Post
Trump White House opens door to historic military deployment on U.S. soil
President Donald Trump is prepared to send National Guard troops into more U.S. cities if protests against immigration raids expand beyond Los Angeles, administration officials said Wednesday, potentially opening the door to the most extensive use of military force on American soil in modern history. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said in testimony to Congress that the Pentagon has the capability to surge National Guard troops to more cities 'if there are other riots in places where law enforcement officers are threatened.' Press secretary Karoline Leavitt warned protesters beyond Los Angeles that more 'lawlessness' will only increase Trump's resolve. 'Let this be an unequivocal message to left-wing radicals in other parts of the country who are thinking about copycatting the violence in an effort to stop this administration's mass deportation efforts,' Leavitt said. 'You will not succeed.' The White House's message coincides with a rise in bellicose language from Trump, who in recent days has threatened the use of force not only against immigration activists but also against any protesters who attempt to disrupt the military parade scheduled in Washington Saturday to celebrate the Army's 250th anniversary. The parade, which Trump has wanted for years and will feature tanks, helicopters and Army parachutists, is shaping up to be a symbolic culmination of a dramatic week in which in which the president not only prepared for a historic deployment of armed forces against domestic adversaries but openly embraced shows of military force. In a speech at Fort Bragg in North Carolina Tuesday, the president reveled in the nation's military power as base leaders showcased several tactical demonstrations. 'Time and again, our enemies have learned that if you dare to threaten the American people, an American soldier will chase you down, crush you and cast you into oblivion,' Trump said. In threatening the use of force against protesters, Trump notably did not distinguish between those committing acts of violence and those peacefully protesting against his policies. Leavitt, at the White House briefing Wednesday, answered a question on the subject by saying that 'of course' the president supports the right to peacefully protest and declared the inquiry a 'stupid question.' The administration's escalating rhetoric has invited comparison to the language used by autocrats in foreign countries, where leaders more frequently deploy their military forces within their own borders. White House officials maintain that the president is showing strength and dominance — and standing up for 'law and order' as Democrats go soft on violent agitators. Trump and his advisers have highlighted footage of looting and cars being set ablaze to justify taking action over local officials' objections. 'President Trump is fulfilling the promise he made to the American people to deport illegal aliens and protect federal law enforcement from violent riots, said White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson. 'This kind of thing doesn't happen in democracies, and it's becoming a routine part of our politics,' said Steven Levitsky, a professor of government at Harvard University, who has long warned that Trump poses a threat to American democracy. (Federal campaign finance records show that a person named Steven Levitsky who works at Harvard has made small campaign donations to Democratic candidates.) Trump has given himself more flexibility this term to escalate the military intervention and to upend democratic norms with fewer constraints. In his first term, military leaders prevented Trump from deploying troops within the United States. This time, he has surrounded himself with loyalists — though he still could face obstacles in the courts. California has sued to block the administration from deploying troops within its borders. Protests over the administration's immigration policies are expanding to more cities, including Philadelphia, Chicago and San Francisco. More are scheduled this weekend as part of an event called 'No Kings Day,' which activists are holding in opposition to Trump's attempts to test his executive power and, protesters say, defy the courts. Amid protests in Chicago, Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the Democratic whip, said it would be 'a serious decision' for Trump to deploy troops across the country. Durbin said he has not spoken with Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker about the possibility of Trump doing so in their state. Durbin said Trump is treating the deployment of the National Guard 'as this routine decision.' 'It is not routine, using our military force to enforce criminal laws in our country,' he said. Earlier in the week, Trump warned that any protests against immigration raids in other cities will be 'met with equal or greater force' than used in Los Angeles. He said those troops would remain in the city 'until there's no danger,' providing only a subjective timeline for the length of their deployment. Trump and California leaders have sparred over whether the troops were ever a necessary response to the protests, which have been confined to several blocks and have included sporadic episodes of violence. He said he 'would certainly' invoke the Insurrection Act, which can be used by presidents to expand the role of the military in responding to domestic incidents, if he viewed it as necessary. The fact that he is even considering it is an ominous sign, several scholars said. 'In a democratic society, citizens don't have to think twice or think three times about peaceful expressions of opposition — that's what life is like in a free society,' Levitsky said. 'In an authoritarian regime, citizens have to think twice about speaking out because there is risk of government retribution. Maybe you'll be arrested, maybe you'll be investigated, maybe you'll have an IRS audit, maybe you'll have a lawsuit.' The showdown over the military intervention has intensified since Saturday, when Trump deployed the National Guard to California without the permission of California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D), who believed sending troops would escalate the protests. Newsom warned in a speech Tuesday that the deployment marked the onset of a much broader effort by Trump to threaten democracy. 'California may be first, but it clearly will not end here. Other states are next,' Newsom said. 'Democracy is next. Democracy is under assault before our eyes. This moment we have feared has arrived.' Also Tuesday, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott announced he was deploying his state's National Guard ahead of planned protests. An Abbott adviser said the decision did not result from Trump's rhetoric. The governor has previously deployed Guardsmen ahead of protests, such as during George Floyd demonstrations in 2020. 'This is not a frivolous thing. This is not a political thing,' said Dave Carney, a longtime political adviser to Abbott. 'If this was happening four years ago or eight years ago, he would have done the exact same thing. This is instinctively protecting people.' Carney said he suspects Republican governors will call up the National Guard only if they have 'good intelligence of what's being planned.' In other Republican-run states with recent clashes with ICE — either through protests or Democratic-leaning cities pushing back on enforcement — governors have resisted announcing any proactive deployments, despite GOP officials vowing to punish violent agitators. In Atlanta, where authorities used tear gas and made arrests Tuesday as anti-ICE protesters threw fireworks at police, state officials believe local and state law enforcement have been able to manage the demonstrations, according to a person with knowledge of the situation there who was granted anonymity to speak freely about plans. Likewise in Nashville, where Department of Homeland Security officials have clashed with the mayor of the heavily Democratic city, large protests have not materialized, and the Republican governor has not announced any deployment of military personnel. Meryl Kornfield contributed to this report.

Politico
13 minutes ago
- Politico
Why Los Angeles protesters fly the Mexican flag
Anyone looking at images of the Los Angeles immigration protests has almost certainly seen the Mexican flag flying somewhere in the frame. Demonstrators have hoisted the red, white and green banner atop cars and while marching down streets and freeways. It's spilled into the corners of CNN live shots and been splashed across social media. To some, the flag — its bright colors standing out against dark smoke from burning cars and tear gas — is a powerful sign of resistance to President Donald Trump's mass-deportation agenda. To others, it is ammunition for conservatives aiming to paint the unrest as a 'migrant invasion.' Case in point: a National Review headline calling the Mexican flag the 'Confederate banner of the L.A. riots.' Protesters' prominent use of the flag evokes photos from more than 30 years ago, when thousands of demonstrators raised the same banner while fighting a ballot measure that sought to bar undocumented Californians from accessing public schools and other services. That 1994 initiative, Proposition 187, was a turning point for Latino political power in the state. It served as an awakening for some California protesters who later became prominent leaders, including former Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León. Angelica Salas, a prominent activist in the state and executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles, noted protesters also hoisted the flag in 2006, during massive demonstrations against George W. Bush-era legislation to crack down on illegal immigration. 'When you attack the undocumented community, when you attack the immigrant community, there is a sense that — I mean, it's a reality — the majority of the folks are Mexican,' she said. Salas spoke with California Playbook about why the Mexican flag continues to be an important symbol for demonstrators. On what the Mexican flag means to protesters … It's really about saying we're American, Mexican American, and we're not ashamed of being Mexican …There's a very popular refrain amongst our community that you can't just like our food and our culture — we also demand that you like the people. Because it's sort of a very, very strong sentiment that there's a like for what we produce and [for] our culture and our foods and everything else, but not of the people. So there's a sense of the deep level of discrimination against the Mexican people. So when people carry the flag, it's really a symbol of pride and a symbol of 'We're not going to be ashamed to claim our heritage, our Mexican heritage. We're not going to be bullied to hide an aspect of who we are.' On young protesters' attachment to the flag … When you see a lot of young people with their flags, it's also claiming and [showing] support for their parents. So many of the young people who are marching are U.S. citizens, they're second-, third-generation, maybe they are the first who were born in this country. Very much U.S. citizens by birth, but they want their parents to also know that they're standing with them. I feel like every time I ask a young person — whether they're carrying a Mexican flag, a Salvadoran flag, a Guatemalan flag, or any other flag — it's just about, 'I want people to understand I'm proud of who I am. I'm not ashamed to be Mexican, and I'm certainly not ashamed of my parents. And I want them to know that I will not reject them.' Because there's a lot of pressure to reject the Mexican heritage. On California's connection to Mexico … Thirty percent of the population is people of Mexican descent — 12 million individuals who live here. We are proudly a multigenerational community. That means that we have recent arrivals as well as people who are immigrants who've been here for many years. And then [the] majority of the people actually are second-, third-, fourth-generation Mexican American. There's a lot of pride in our deep roots in the region.


Politico
17 minutes ago
- Politico
Why they fly the Mexican flag
Presented by Health Justice Action Fund COLOR GUARD: Anyone looking at images of the Los Angeles immigration protests has almost certainly seen the Mexican flag flying somewhere in the frame. Demonstrators have hoisted the red, white and green banner atop cars and while marching down streets and freeways. It's spilled into the corners of CNN live shots and been splashed across social media. To some, the flag — its bright colors standing out against dark smoke from burning cars and tear gas — is a powerful sign of resistance to President Donald Trump's mass-deportation agenda. To others, it is ammunition for conservatives aiming to paint the unrest as a 'migrant invasion.' Case in point: a National Review headline calling the Mexican flag the 'Confederate banner of the L.A. riots.' Protesters' prominent use of the flag evokes photos from more than 30 years ago, when thousands of demonstrators raised the same banner while fighting a ballot measure that sought to bar undocumented Californians from accessing public schools and other services. That 1994 initiative, Proposition 187, was a turning point for Latino political power in the state. It served as an awakening for some California protesters who later became prominent leaders, including former Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León. Angelica Salas, a prominent activist in the state and executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles, noted protesters also hoisted the flag in 2006, during massive demonstrations against George W. Bush-era legislation to crack down on illegal immigration. 'When you attack the undocumented community, when you attack the immigrant community, there is a sense that — I mean, it's a reality — the majority of the folks are Mexican,' she said. Salas spoke with Playbook about why the Mexican flag continues to be an important symbol for demonstrators. On what the Mexican flag means to protesters … It's really about saying we're American, Mexican American, and we're not ashamed of being Mexican …There's a very popular refrain amongst our community that you can't just like our food and our culture — we also demand that you like the people. Because it's sort of a very, very strong sentiment that there's a like for what we produce and [for] our culture and our foods and everything else, but not of the people. So there's a sense of the deep level of discrimination against the Mexican people. So when people carry the flag, it's really a symbol of pride and a symbol of 'We're not going to be ashamed to claim our heritage, our Mexican heritage. We're not going to be bullied to hide an aspect of who we are.' On young protesters' attachment to the flag … When you see a lot of young people with their flags, it's also claiming and [showing] support for their parents. So many of the young people who are marching are U.S. citizens, they're second-, third-generation, maybe they are the first who were born in this country. Very much U.S. citizens by birth, but they want their parents to also know that they're standing with them. I feel like every time I ask a young person — whether they're carrying a Mexican flag, a Salvadoran flag, a Guatemalan flag, or any other flag — it's just about, 'I want people to understand I'm proud of who I am. I'm not ashamed to be Mexican, and I'm certainly not ashamed of my parents. And I want them to know that I will not reject them.' Because there's a lot of pressure to reject the Mexican heritage. On California's connection to Mexico … Thirty percent of the population is people of Mexican descent — 12 million individuals who live here. We are proudly a multigenerational community. That means that we have recent arrivals as well as people who are immigrants who've been here for many years. And then [the] majority of the people actually are second-, third-, fourth-generation Mexican American. There's a lot of pride in our deep roots in the region. IT'S WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON. This is California Playbook PM, a POLITICO newsletter that serves as an afternoon temperature check on California politics and a look at what our policy reporters are watching. Got tips or suggestions? Shoot an email to lholden@ WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW TODAY 'NO MAN'S LAND': After being plunged into a week of uncertainty, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass today gathered a coalition of representatives from surrounding cities to show solidarity for her message: stop the raids. Mayors and city council members from cities in Los Angeles County and its surrounding areas recounted raids that have taken place as recently as this morning. Bass has been calling on the federal immigration officers and the National Guard to leave the city for days, but President Donald Trump has shown no sign of backing down. Meantime, Bass says she will continue to advocate on the federal level. 'The only alternative is to stay silent,' she said. 'We are stuck in this no man's land of not having any idea when the policy will end.' — Nicole Norman IN OTHER NEWS DRAWING A BLANK: Department of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth couldn't cite the law allowing the Trump administration to deploy troops to Los Angeles during a Senate budget hearing today, our Joe Gould and Connor O'Brien report. The Pentagon chief clashed with several lawmakers at a Senate budget hearing as he sought to defend Trump's decision to send thousands of troops, including 700 active-duty Marines, to California in response to mass deportation protests. But when asked to explain the legal underpinning that justifies the Marine deployment, the Defense secretary blanked. 'I'd have to pull up the specific provision,' he told Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.). 'But our Office of General Counsel, alongside our leadership, has reviewed and ensured, in the order that we set out, that it's completely constitutional for the president to use federal troops to defend federal law enforcement.' When Baldwin pushed again, Hegseth said, 'It's in the order, ma'am, but we'll make sure we get it to you as well.' Hegseth, a former Fox News anchor who appears calm in front of the camera, faced a tougher time at Wednesday's Senate defense appropriations subcommittee than he did at a House budget hearing the day before. The Defense secretary argued the deployments to Los Angeles and along the southern border, where the military has 13,000 National Guard and active-duty troops, are necessary to protect the country. LOCATION SHARING OFF: Trump's aggressive response to the Los Angeles protests is fueling a Sacramento push to insulate state residents' personal data from Washington, our Tyler Katzenberger reports. Tech-skeptical lawmakers and activists fear the Trump administration will leverage tech tools to track and punish demonstrators accused of interfering with Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids. One possible instrument at ICE's disposal: location data, a highly detailed record of people's daily movements that's collected and sold by everything from weather apps to data brokers. Democrats introduced at least a half-dozen measures this year aimed at bolstering the state's already-tough data protections, but several died as leaders deal with budget woes. Those efforts are taking on new meaning as the protests and ICE raids gain national attention. Assemblymember Chris Ward, a San Diego Democrat, told POLITICO he may reintroduce a bill next year that failed this spring, which aimed to close a loophole on location data. California's existing privacy laws limit local law enforcement from sharing license plate data with ICE and other federal agencies, but standards for online location data are weaker. UNMERGED: Two major Bay Area business groups quietly announced this week that they are abandoning a planned merger announced last year. In a joint statement, the Bay Area Council and the Silicon Valley Leadership Group said they 'have jointly decided to conclude formal discussions about creating a unified organization.' The groups said they will continue to work together going forward. The council counts major companies like Apple and Airbnb among its many members, while SVLG's membership includes Amazon, Uber and many others. Read more in tomorrow's California Decoded. WHAT WE'RE READING TODAY — A UC Berkeley professor who wrote an influential 2020 paper on the impact of non-violent protests weighs in on the anti-ICE demonstrations in Los Angeles. (POLITICO) — Los Angeles police are investigating a Boyle Heights hit-and-run that witnesses say involved federal authorities driving unmarked vehicles. (ABC 7) — Tax experts say that because California residents and businesses pay the state and federal government directly, it is unclear how the state could withhold the taxes it pays to the federal government. (CalMatters) AROUND THE STATE — Los Angeles City Council members disagreed with Police Chief Jim McDonnell over the handling of protests downtown. (Los Angeles Times) — The San Diego City Council passed a budget that will not authorize the Mayor's proposed cuts to libraries and and recreation centers. (San Diego Union Tribune) — Initial results show that Huntington Beach voters may reverse a law that would create a children's book review board. (Orange County Register) — compiled by Nicole Norman