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Why is China quietly helping Africa build a Great Green Wall across the Sahara?

Why is China quietly helping Africa build a Great Green Wall across the Sahara?

About two decades ago, African nations launched an audacious plan: a 7,700km 'Great Green Wall' to hold back the Sahara Desert's southward march. Yet years passed and progress was stalled after being plagued by funding shortages, political instability and a lack of scalable solutions.
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China, now emerging with advanced ecological engineering capabilities, has stepped into the fray.
At a seminar in Beijing, Lei Jiaqiang, a leading desertification expert with the Xinjiang Institute of Ecology and Geography under the Chinese Academy of Sciences, unveiled China's behind-the-scenes role in Africa's fight against desertification.
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Great wall of Taklamakan: China surrounds its largest desert with green belt
Great wall of Taklamakan: China surrounds its largest desert with green belt
His remarks have offered a rare and detailed look at how Chinese technology, funding and strategic pragmatism are reshaping one of the world's most ambitious ecological projects – and why Beijing views this as a diplomatic and economic opportunity.
The Sahel, a semi-arid belt stretching from Senegal to Djibouti, has long been ground zero for climate-driven human catastrophe. Decades of drought, deforestation and overgrazing have turned vast stretches into barren wasteland, displacing millions of people and fuelling cycles of poverty and conflict.
The African Union's Great Green Wall initiative was launched in 2007 and aimed to restore 100 million hectares of degraded land by 2030, sequester 250 million tonnes of carbon and create 10 million jobs.
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Yet by 2020, around just 4 per cent of the target had been met, according to Lei.

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Hedging ways out of troubled waters in South China Sea
Hedging ways out of troubled waters in South China Sea

Asia Times

time9 hours ago

  • Asia Times

Hedging ways out of troubled waters in South China Sea

The South China Sea has long been a bubbling geopolitical hotspot. Recently, a series of moves by the various nations claiming a stake in the waters has stirred up yet more trouble. Malaysia has, of late, reaffirmed its commitment to oil and gas exploration in waters claimed by China while quietly building up its military on the islands off Borneo. Meanwhile, Chinese coast guard vessels have deployed water cannons against Filipino fishing boats. And the accidental grounding of a Chinese boat in shallow waters around the Philippines' Thitu Island on June 8, 2025, was enough to put Filipino forces on alert. Vietnam, too, has been active in the disputed waters. A Beijing-based think tank on June 7 flagged that Vietnamese engineers had been busy reclaiming land and installing military-related ports and airstrips around the Spratly Islands. What the three Southeast Asian nations of Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia have in common is that they, along with others in the region, are trying to navigate a more assertive China at a time when the US policy intentions under the second Trump administration are fluid and hard to read. And in lieu of a coordinated response from the regional body Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, each member nation has been busy charting its course in these choppy waters. Why is China trying to assert control in the South China Sea? In a 2023 speech, President Xi Jinping noted that 'Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-around containment, encirclement and suppression of China.' This fear has been long held in Beijing and was reinforced by a US Indo-Pacific policy announced in 2011 of rebalancing military forces away from Europe and toward Asia to confront China. In response, China has in recent years embarked on an ambitious policy of attempting to outmuscle US naval power in the South China Sea. China is now the world's leading builder of naval vessels and is estimated to have 440 battleships by 2030, compared with the United States' 300. And it comes at a time when US naval power is spread around the world. China's, meanwhile, is concentrated around the South China Sea, where, since 2013, Chinese vessels have pumped sand onto reefs, turning them into islands and then weaponizing them. Satellite imagery shows the Fiery Cross Reef in the South China Sea, part of the Spratly Islands group, being built by Chinese dredges. Image: Maxar via Getty Images / The Conversation Then there is the activity of China's maritime militia of approximately 300 nominally fishing boats equipped with water cannons and reinforced hulls for ramming. This so-called gray zone fleet is increasingly active in confronting Southeast Asia nations at sea. The US response to China's militarization in the sea has been through so-called 'freedom of navigation' exercises that often deploy carrier groups in a show of force. But these episodic displays are more performative than effective, doing little to deter China's claims. The US has also strengthened military alliances with Australia, India, Japan and the Philippines, and has increased coast guard cooperation with the Philippines and Japan. A fleet from the U.S. Navy patrolling the Pacific Ocean. Photo: Sean M. Castellano / US Navy via Getty Images / The Conversation Yet the battle over control of the South China Seas is more than just geopolitical posturing between the two superpowers. For adjoining countries, the sea is a valuable biological resource with rich fishing grounds that provide a staple of fish protein for close to 2 billion people. There are estimates of 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas and 11 billion barrels of oil. The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, or UNCLOS, guarantees a nation an exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of 200 nautical miles from around its coastline. China is a signatory of the UNCLOS. Yet it views ownership of the South China Sea through the lens of its nine-dash line, a reference to the boundary line that Beijing has invoked since 1948. While the claim has no legal or historical basis, the delineation makes major incursions into waters around Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia and, to a lesser extent, Brunei and Indonesia as well. Despite China's expansive claim to the South China Sea being dismissed in 2016 by the international Permanent Court of Arbitration, Beijing continues to assert its claim. Screenshot Hedging positions As I explore in my recent book 'Hedging and Conflict in the South China Sea,' part of the problem Southeast Asian nations face is that they have failed to forge a unified position. ASEAN, the regional bloc representing 10 nations in Southeast Asia, has long been governed by the principle that major decisions need unanimous agreement. China is a major trading partner to ASEAN nations, so any regional country aligning too close to the US comes with the real risk of economic consequences. And two ASEAN members, Cambodia and Laos, are especially close to China, making it difficult to generate a unified ASEAN policy that confronts China's maritime claim. Instead, ASEAN has promoted a regional code of conduct that effectively legitimizes China's maritime claims, fails to mention the 2016 ruling and ignores the issue of conflicting claims. Further complicating a united front against China is the competing claims among ASEAN nations themselves to disputed islands in the South China Sea. In lieu of a coordinated response, Southeast Asian nations have instead turned to hedging — that is, maintaining good relationships with both China and the US without fully committing to one or other. Malaysia's approach sees its government partition off the South China Sea dispute from its overall bilateral ties with China while continuing to promote an ASEAN code of conduct. Until recently, Malaysia's oil and gas activities were well within Malaysia's EEZ and not far enough out to fall into China's nine-dash claim. But as these close-to-shore fields become exhausted, subsequent exploration will need to extend outward and into China's nine-dash claim, putting Malaysia's dealings with China under pressure. China's nine-dash line claims a significant amount of Vietnam's EEZ, and the contested maritime area is a source of friction between the two countries; China's maritime militia regularly harasses Vietnamese fishermen and disrupts drilling operations in Vietnam's EEZ. But Vietnam has to tread carefully. China plays a significant role in the Vietnamese economy as a major destination of exports and an important provider of foreign investment. China also has the ability to dam the Mekong River upstream of Vietnam — something that would disrupt agricultural production. As a result, Vietnam's hedging involves a careful calibration to avoid angering China. However, part of Vietnam's heavy hedging involves the promotion of the South China Sea dispute as a core issue for domestic public opinion, which limits the Vietnamese government's ability to offer concessions to China. A Philippine coast guard ship and fishing boats are seen in El Nido, Palawan, Philippines, on May 26, 2025. Photo: Daniel Ceng/Anadolu via Getty Images / The Conversation China's nine-dash claim also includes a wide swath of the Philippines' EEZ. The Philippines has zigzagged in its dealings with China. The presidencies of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (2001–2010) and Rodrigo Duterte (2016-2022) pursued a pro-China tack that downplayed Filipino claims in the South China Sea. Presidents Benigno Aquino (2010-2016) and Ferdinand 'Bongbong' Marcos Jr (2022-present), in contrast, have given US forces greater access to their maritime bases and mobilized national and international opinion in favor of their claims. Since coming to power, Marcos has also pursued even closer naval ties with the US. But this has come at a cost: China now views the Philippines as a US ally. As such, Beijing sees little to be gained by pulling back from its assertive activity in and around its waters. In the shadow of two major powers battling for power in the South China Sea, Southeast Asian nations are making the best of their position along a geopolitical fracture line by advancing their claims and interests while not overly antagonizing a more assertive China or losing the support of the US. This may work to tamp down tensions in the South China Sea. But it is a fluid approach not without risk, and it could yet prove to be another source of instability in a geopolitically contested and dangerous region. John Rennie Short is professor emeritus of Public Policy, University of Maryland, Baltimore County This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

China's digital education drive more promise than peril
China's digital education drive more promise than peril

Asia Times

time10 hours ago

  • Asia Times

China's digital education drive more promise than peril

Earlier this year, China's Ministry of Education, in collaboration with nine other government agencies, unveiled a comprehensive plan to digitize the nation's education system. This groundbreaking initiative encompasses artificial intelligence, lifelong learning, international cooperation and data governance, aiming to create a centralized digital platform that personalizes learning for millions. These efforts extend beyond China's borders. Through programs involving massive open online courses (MOOCs) and overseas workshops, China is exporting its educational technologies to countries across the Global South. At the 2024 World Digital Education Conference in Shanghai, the World Digital Education Alliance—led by China—released two frameworks establishing global standards for digital education and AI in learning. These frameworks promote the development of interoperable, ethical and secure digital education systems, highlighting the potential of international cooperation in shaping future learning paradigms. A notable aspect of China's approach is the integration of its domestic educational reforms with its international digital education strategy. The 'Double Reduction' policy, implemented in 2021, aimed to alleviate excessive homework and reduce reliance on off-campus tutoring for primary and secondary students. While this policy initially curtailed the private tutoring industry, recent adjustments have relaxed regulations to address economic challenges and employment concerns. This evolution reflects China's adaptive strategy in balancing educational equity with economic realities. Central to China's digital education infrastructure is the National Smart Education Public Service Platform, launched in 2022. This platform offers comprehensive resources across various educational levels, including primary, secondary, vocational and higher education. It provides curriculum content, teaching materials, virtual simulations and professional development resources for educators, serving as a model for centralized digital education delivery. China's digital education initiatives have significant implications for ASEAN and Pacific countries. In nations such as Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam, partnerships with Chinese digital education programs are already underway, offering opportunities to rapidly modernize education systems. For Pacific Island countries, China's digital resources can help address long-standing gaps in educational access and quality, providing new avenues for lifelong learning and workforce development. However, the expansion of China's digital education infrastructure also raises considerations regarding data sovereignty, cultural relevance and local control. Regional organizations, such as ASEAN, which has its own digital master plan, will need to assess how to integrate these external tools and models with local priorities and contexts. Balancing the benefits of technological advancement with the preservation of cultural and educational autonomy will be a critical challenge. China's approach is characterized by a clear and coordinated vision. While many countries are still deliberating on the integration of AI into education, China is actively setting international standards and expanding its influence through educational tools. This proactive stance underscores the strategic importance of digital education in shaping not only domestic learning outcomes but also global educational norms. Rather than replicating China's approach or endorsing any one country's model, this is an invitation for governments to reflect on the strategic implications of these developments. In many regions, digital education efforts remain fragmented and underfunded, often limited to pilot projects or short-term initiatives. While ethical and technical concerns are valid, they should not hinder proactive engagement with the evolving digital education landscape. Ethical concerns and technical challenges are real, but they should not become an excuse for inaction. The entities that develop the systems and set the standards will influence not only how people learn but also how they adapt to changing workplaces and participate in civic life. Digital education has become a dimension of global influence and a critical tool for promoting inclusion and opportunity. For ASEAN and Pacific nations, this juncture presents both challenges and opportunities. China's frameworks and digital platforms are poised to play an increasingly significant role in shaping the future of education across the region. How governments and institutions choose to engage with these resources—while balancing external partnerships with regional goals and cultural contexts—will be a defining factor in the evolution of their education systems. The digital transformation of education is underway. For ASEAN and Pacific countries, as for the rest of the world, this is not a matter of competition but of shared opportunity and responsibility. In the classrooms of tomorrow, it is not just students who must adapt—it is entire education systems, working collaboratively across borders to ensure that technology enhances rather than limits human potential. Yanis M Bell is an educator specializing in artificial intelligence, digital transformation and gamification in education. A member of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs (RSAA), Bell focuses on the intersection of emerging technologies and global education policy in Asia and the Pacific.

Taiwan says UK Navy ship sailed through Taiwan Strait
Taiwan says UK Navy ship sailed through Taiwan Strait

HKFP

time11 hours ago

  • HKFP

Taiwan says UK Navy ship sailed through Taiwan Strait

Taiwan said Thursday a British Navy patrol vessel sailed through the Taiwan Strait, a move that challenges China's claim to the sensitive waterway. Beijing views Taiwan as part of its territory and claims jurisdiction over the body of water that separates the self-ruled island from the Chinese mainland. The United States and other countries view the 180-kilometre (112-mile) Taiwan Strait as international waters that should be open to all vessels. 'The British Royal Navy patrol vessel HMS Spey sailed through the Taiwan Strait on June 18,' Taiwan's foreign ministry said in a statement. 'The UK has once again taken concrete action to uphold freedom of navigation in the Taiwan Strait and demonstrate the firm position that the Taiwan Strait is international waters.' The last time a British Navy ship transited the Taiwan Strait was in 2021, when the HMS Richmond, a frigate deployed with Britain's aircraft carrier strike group, sailed through from Japan to Vietnam. China strongly condemned Britain at the time and deployed its military to follow the vessel. A Canadian warship passed through the strait in February this year, days after a US destroyer and a US ocean survey ship made the passage. Taiwan's military has been reporting near-daily sightings of Chinese warships around its waters, as well as sorties by drones and fighter jets around the island. Taiwan's defence ministry said Thursday it had detected 25 Chinese military aircraft and 7 navy vessels in the 24 hours to 6:00 am.

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