logo
Chief Rabbi Goldstein abuses legal and religious concepts in attack on Ramaphosa

Chief Rabbi Goldstein abuses legal and religious concepts in attack on Ramaphosa

Daily Maverick2 days ago

On 21 May 2025, President Donald Trump's Oval Office was yet again turned into the set of a reality television show livestreamed into the homes of many millions of viewers all over the world.
The meeting between the US president and South Africa's President Cyril Ramaphosa quickly shifted gear from the initial pleasantries to spectacular political theatre as Trump played video material purporting to be evidence of a 'white genocide' in South Africa.
This included footage of Julius Malema in a packed football stadium chanting 'Kill the Boer, kill the farmer' and a 'cemetery with 1,000 white crosses' that turned out to be a memorial commemorating the murder of two farmers.
As this political theatre was taking place in the White House, a real-time genocide was unfolding in Gaza with Israel's relentless bombardment, its humanitarian blockade of food, water and medical aid and its refusal to comply with international court rulings.
In the face of these developments, and an intensification of international pressure and criticism of Israel, South Africa's chief rabbi, Warren Goldstein, decided it was time to respond.
In his Facebook video message Goldstein accused Ramaphosa of many things, including allowing a 'South African genocide' to take place. Although the chief rabbi refrained from using the term 'white genocide', and acknowledged that all South Africans are victims of violent crime, he appeared to endorse the key talking points of Trump's Maga movement and South African right-wing, white nationalist agendas.
This played right into the accusations of 'white genocide' plied by right-wing Afrikaner organisations to discredit the South African government's transformation policies, especially its land reform and employment equity programmes.
But the chief rabbi went much further than these white nationalists.
In his relentless attack on the South African President, he insisted that the 'shame' and 'humiliation' that Ramaphosa had experienced in the Oval Office on 21 May 2025 was 'divine retribution' for South Africa's genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
This is how the chief rabbi described how God choreographed what happened in the White House meeting:
'As I watched the White House spectacle unfold, as I watched President Ramaphosa literally squirm in his seat, visibly uncomfortable, humiliated, as President Trump accused him of genocide in his own country, I couldn't help but think, I'm not a prophet and I do not presume to know the will of God, and yet the thought kept crossing my mind – this moment, this humiliation, felt biblical. It felt like divine retribution. It felt like justice for a different earlier sin.
'Because Ramaphosa and the ANC stood on a different international stage and falsely accused the Jewish state, the State of Israel, of genocide, a lie, a libel, a defamation of an entire nation. And now, in front of the whole world, they themselves are being accused of genocide. This time a true genocide demonstrated by the cold, brutal facts of a murder rate spiralling out of control. The blood of countless victims on their hands and their total inability to protect South Africans of any race or background.'
In this wide-ranging video message Goldstein held Ramaphosa personally accountable for Malema's chants of 'Kill the Boer, kill the farmer', claiming that he 'has never publicly condemned the chant as hate speech, not even in the Oval Office when he had every opportunity and motive to do so'.
This was followed by an assault on the South African Constitutional Court for not ruling that Malema's chants are hate speech: 'This judgment casts a shadow on the integrity and legacy of the Constitutional Court and makes a mockery of their role as the guardians of human rights in South Africa.'
Although the violent crime statistics in South Africa are truly shocking, Goldstein's claims of a 'South African genocide' radically dilutes and relativises the legal definition and meaning of the term.
This constitutes a dangerous trivialisation of genocidal catastrophes, including the Holocaust. It thereby threatens to undermine the very precise meaning of genocide, a concept which was introduced into international law after the Holocaust by Raphael Lemkin, a Jewish Polish lawyer.
Lemkin's concept helped establish the 1948 Genocide Convention, which legally defines the act of genocide. As the son of a German Jewish refugee whose entire family was murdered in Auschwitz and Riga, I appreciate the importance of Lemkin's precise definition of genocide. Using the notion of a 'South African genocide' to refer to a violent crime crisis undermines this precision.
Most international law experts would agree that Hamas perpetrated horrific war crimes against civilians in Israel on 7 October 2023.
At the same time, there is currently a growing consensus among Holocaust and genocide scholars that the Israeli military is indeed perpetrating genocide in Gaza.
This assessment draws on the very specific criteria that Lemkin used to define the crime of genocide which, according to the Genocide Convention, consists of any of five 'acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group'.
These acts include killing members of the group, causing them serious bodily or mental harm, imposing living conditions intended to destroy the group, preventing births and forcibly transferring children out of the group.
In terms of this very precise definition, genocide is a crime of special intent (dolus specialis) that deliberately targets a protected group. How can the unacceptably high violent crime levels that impact on all South Africans possibly constitute genocide in terms of this definition?
Just as legal concepts need to be used with precision, one would also expect that the use of religious concepts needs to meet stringent definitions.
It is therefore surprising to discover the flagrant abuse of religious concepts by the chief rabbi when he claimed that the shame and humiliation experienced by Ramaphosa in the White House was 'divine retribution' for an earlier sin – taking Israel to the ICJ.
I will quote a lengthy passage from the video that conveys the lengths to which the chief rabbi was prepared to go to stretch the meanings of both 'genocide' and biblical notions of divine justice:
'… It felt like what our sages called Midah Keneged Midah, measure for measure, a precise justice, a reckoning. And as that thought took hold, another verse came to mind. I kept hearing the words of Genesis in 12:3: 'Those who bless you will be blessed, and those who curse you will be cursed.'
'President Ramaphosa and the ANC cursed Israel, and now it feels as though they are being cursed. You can feel it in the air, in the sense of decay and despair, you can feel the weight of a divine curse settling on this Presidency… In the heavenly court, you will stand accused of presiding over the human suffering of all those who were murdered on your watch. The King of All Kings will ask you what you did to stop the carnage, the genocide… and you will be held eternally accountable for every moment of human suffering you caused through your callous neglect, through your omissions and commissions…'
What is happening here? Why is the chief rabbi, the spiritual leader of South African Jews, so brazenly abusing the specific definitions and meanings of legal and religious concepts to denounce the President and the Constitutional Court?
Is it simply to score political points? How will such divisive speech, which is uttered on behalf of the whole Jewish community, make Jews any more secure in South Africa?
It is quite conceivable that the chief rabbi – like so many other defenders of Israel's actions in Gaza – is becoming increasingly defensive and desperate as international public opinion and Western governments become more critical of Israel's actions in Gaza.
The chief rabbi's false and unconsidered accusations and condemnations appear to be a radical displacement and distraction from the horrific realities of a genocide unfolding daily in Gaza. DM

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

The political struggles and aspirations of disabled youth in South Africa
The political struggles and aspirations of disabled youth in South Africa

The Citizen

time36 minutes ago

  • The Citizen

The political struggles and aspirations of disabled youth in South Africa

SEDIBENG.- June, despite its winterisation in South Africa, remains a month of reflection and action, dedicated to the youth who have historically shaped the nation's political and social landscape. The definition of youth remains contested both globally and locally. While the United Nations generally defines youth as individuals between the ages of 15 and 24, South Africa's National Youth Policy broadly defines youth as persons between the ages of 14 and 35. These differences often stem from varying socio-economic contexts and developmental priorities. The UN's definition is often linked to global demographic trends and the transition from adolescence to early adulthood, while South Africa's broader age range acknowledges the extended period many young people face in terms of education, employment, and economic independence, often due to historical disadvantages. These differences also highlight the complex intersection of developmental, political, and cultural factors influencing the concept of youth in South Africa. Looking back, the youth of 1976 in South Africa, facing oppressive apartheid policies, fought for the right to express themselves freely, particularly through language and education. The Soweto Uprising, driven by student protests against the enforcement of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction, epitomized their quest for liberation and cultural affirmation. These courageous youths defied systemic barriers, risking their lives for the fundamental right to learn and speak in their own languages. The protest escalated into a nationwide movement for freedom. Many young people were killed, and some were maimed, permanently disabled by the state's violence. This group of politically conscious survivors laid the groundwork for the South African disability rights movement of 1984. Far from passive victims, these youth transformed their personal trauma into political action. They understood that disability was not just a medical condition but a consequence of structural violence and systemic exclusion. Their activism reflected a growing awareness that the fight for liberation could not ignore those disabled by the very system it sought to overthrow. These youth redefined disability as both a political and social issue, demanding recognition not only of physical access but also of voice, representation, and dignity. Within the disabled youth, however, there exists a significant divide, not just between those who attend special schools versus mainstream schools, but also in perceptions of identity and community. Special schools often promote a sense of community rooted in shared experiences of disability, whereas mainstream schools can foster integration but also feelings of marginalization. This concealed disunity undermines the collective strength needed for advocacy, potentially leading disabled youth to realize, in adulthood, that being labeled 'disabled' is more than a health condition, it is an identity rooted in social barriers and societal perceptions. Recognizing this, the fight for a barrier-free society must encompass both educational and societal reforms that unite all disabled youth under common goals. The disabled youth of today must seize both educational and vocational opportunities to empower themselves and shape their future. Examples of educational opportunities include pursuing higher education in various fields such as law, science, arts, or technology, often with the support of disability units in universities and colleges. Vocational opportunities encompass skills training in areas like IT, graphic design, entrepreneurship, trades, and various forms of self-employment. Furthermore, there is an urgent need to expand the 'disability intelligentsia', a body of knowledge and thought leadership driven by disabled individuals themselves. This means fostering critical thinking and research among disabled youth, enabling them to contribute to the development of new models of disability. While the medical model views disability as an individual deficit to be 'fixed,' and the social model frames disability as a result of societal barriers, there is a clear need for a synthesis. This hybrid model would acknowledge the diverse lived experiences of disabled individuals, recognizing both the biological realities of impairment and the profound impact of societal structures. In conclusion, youth remains a dynamic, flexible stage of life, capable of leaving lasting legacies for future generations. The resilience, activism, and innovation of disabled youth will significantly shape South Africa's journey toward an inclusive society. Their collective efforts can dismantle barriers, both physical and societal, and redefine what it means to have a disability in a free and equitable environment. As history has shown, when empowered, youth can be the catalysts for profound social transformation, an inheritance that continues to inspire generations to come. (Lucky Tumahole is a Disability Advocate, this is his opinion) At Caxton, we employ humans to generate daily fresh news, not AI intervention. Happy reading!

Sleepy town of Tulbagh rocked by brutal murder of British expat
Sleepy town of Tulbagh rocked by brutal murder of British expat

The South African

timean hour ago

  • The South African

Sleepy town of Tulbagh rocked by brutal murder of British expat

The tranquil wine valley town of Tulbagh in the Witzenberg has been left in shock following the murder of 73-year-old Karl Lauks, a long-time British expat who had called South Africa home for over four decades. Lauks was found dead in his car on Piet Retief Street around midday on Tuesday this week. According to WO. Joseph Swartbooi, spokesperson for the South African Police Services, police suspect that robbery was the motive for the attack. Emergency services were alerted at approximately 12:15, but Lauks was pronounced dead at the scene. Police sources revealed that several personal items – including his cellphone, belt, and house keys – were missing, and Lauks may have been gagged with a scarf. 'This wasn't random. There are signs he may have been ambushed while inside the vehicle,' a police insider noted. In a swift breakthrough, police arrested a 29-year-old male suspect shortly after Lauks's body was discovered. The unnamed suspect appeared in the Tulbagh Magistrate's Court on Wednesday. Investigators reportedly found Lauks's house keys in the suspect's garden. While official confirmation is pending, reports are that Lauks and the suspect may have previously clashed, possibly pointing to a personal motive layered with the suspected robbery. Local residents are reeling from the news. Lauks was well-known in Tulbagh as a quiet and respected individual, credited for his contributions to engineering and infrastructure development in the region. 'He was always kind, a true gentleman,' said one neighbour. 'It's hard to believe something like this could happen here.' Police are urging anyone with information to come forward. Tips can be shared anonymously via: Crime Stop : 08600 10111 : 08600 10111 MySAPS App: Available for download on major platforms Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.

South African citizens languish in Harare prisons, convicted for drug dealing, or awaiting deportation
South African citizens languish in Harare prisons, convicted for drug dealing, or awaiting deportation

IOL News

timean hour ago

  • IOL News

South African citizens languish in Harare prisons, convicted for drug dealing, or awaiting deportation

The Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission says during a recent tour of the Harare Remand Prison, it came across scores of South African citizens awaiting deportation, while others are on trial, while one South African woman was sentenced for dealing in drugs. Image: File/Tawanda Mudimu/The Herald The Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission has told IOL that scores of South African nationals are languishing in Zimbabwe's Harare Remand Prison, awaiting deportation, after they were arrested for breaching the neighbouring country's immigration laws. Another group of three South African men are not facing deportation, but will face trial in Zimbabwe's courts after they were charged for conspiracy to commit armed robbery. On the other hand, the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission has established that a South African woman has been convicted for dealing in dangerous drugs in Zimbabwe, and has sentenced to 10 years in jail. In an interview, chairperson of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission, Jessie Majome told IOL that by Thursday, she had established that there are six men, who have been certified to be South African nationals in conjunction with South Africa's High Commission in Zimbabwe, who are ready for deportation from the Harare Remand Prison. She said a seventh man in the group will not be deported to South Africa, as the diplomatic mission has informed Zimbabwe's authorities that the elderly man is not a South African citizen. 'I had gone to the prison to visit a certain group of people who had been in custody for too long. I then noticed that there were 66 foreign nationals in the Harare Remand Prison for men. It is an issue that is of interest to the Commission because it involves a special category of people who should not be in prison; even though irregular immigration is against the law, they should not be treated like individuals awaiting trial," she said. Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Majome said Zimbabwe does not have independent holding facilities for people arrested for violating the country's immigration laws, and verifications happen while the people are detained in prison. At the time of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission's visit in April, it was established that there were about seven South African men, but Majome said the number has now risen because other South African nationals were found in the women's section of Harare Remand Prison. Chairperson of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission, Jessie Majome spoke to IOL on the plight of South Africans detained in Zimbabwe. Image: Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission In its April report, the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission stated that detained foreign nationals at the Harare Remand Prison comprised 16 people from Burundi; 12 from Ethiopia; 11 from Democratic Republic of Congo; two from Rwanda; two from Uganda; eight from Malawi; one from Libya; one from Mozambique; one from the People's Republic of China; seven from South Africa; one from Pakistan; one from Taiwan; one from France; one from Britain and one from Cape Verde. During the interview with IOL on Thursday, Majome said her organisation has since established that there are three South Africans in the women's section of the Harare Remand Prison. 'There are three South African nationals, who are women in the Harare Remand Prison, it is a separate prison. Two of those women are awaiting deportation back to South Africa. 'Three of the detained South African men are facing charges of conspiracy to commit armed robbery. Those ones are not awaiting deportation, but they are going to appear before the Harare Magistrate's Court in June. 'So it is seven South African men awaiting deportation, and two women. The third South African woman has been convicted of dealing in dangerous drugs and has been sentenced to 10 years in prison in Zimbabwe,' she said. The human rights activist and attorney told IOL that the Harare Remand Prison is heavily crowded. 'Conditions of prisons in Zimbabwe depend on where the person is. Where the three women are detained, at the women's prison, it is not crowded at all but at the Harare Remand Prison where the men are, there is crowding,' she said. Majome reiterated the Zimbabwe Prisons and Correctional Services requires additional funding, and the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission has been at the forefront for campaigning for additional funds for the ZPCS. The human rights activist added that this is not the 'first or last time' South African nationals have been detained in Zimbabwean prisons. 'This is not a new thing, even though I understand it is of interest. This happens a lot. It just so happened that on that particular visit, we highlighted that in our report. 'This is a common phenomenon the world over. What is important is to always remember the humanity and the equality of all human beings wherever they are - be it in prison, whether they have jumped the border, they must be treated with dignity. 'Migration is a phenomenon of human beings and must be done legally, but if it is not, human rights must still be upheld,' she told IOL. Last year, IOL published a story where non-profit organisation Baagi Ba South Africa was advocating for the South African government to enter into international prisoner transfer treaties. These treaties would allow South African prisoners convicted in other countries to be brought back home, to serve their sentences in South Africa. In countries where such programmes exist, including the United States, they are designed to alleviate the hardships faced by offenders incarcerated far from home and facilitate their rehabilitation. At the time, IOL interviewed Glory Matipile, founder and chief executive of Baagi Ba South Africa, who insisted that effective rehabilitation for the hundreds of South Africans imprisoned around the world requires them to serve their sentences within South Africa's correctional system. A key benefit of this, she noted, is the ability to speak the local language. Glory Matipile, founder and chief executive of Baagi Ba South Africa, a non-governmental organisation fighting for South Africans to serve jail sentences back home. Image: Supplied 'This organisation, Baagi Ba South Africa, was founded in 2018, and so far, we have about 260 young people working across South Africa to raise awareness and provide support to families with relatives convicted abroad. We also collaborate with organisations that assist South Africans in foreign prisons. We reached out to our representatives in South African embassies but did not receive much support. Now, we work with organisations in foreign countries to facilitate communication between imprisoned South Africans and their families back home,' she said. She said with the economic hardships, it is almost impossible for most families in South Africa to travel to visit their incarcerated relatives in countries including Brazil, Philippines or Hong Kong - a special administrative region of the People's Republic of China. 'South Africa is one of the few countries in the world without international prisoner transfer. Such a programme already exists in the United Nations, and what is left is for South Africa to adopt it and follow the rules that are already there, and being used by other countries. The essence is that if we had such a programme, South Africans convicted in foreign countries would be sent home to serve near their families. Foreigners in our prisons would them be moved to go and serve their sentences in their home countries so that rehabilitation can take place. 'You will remember that former president Nelson Mandela was advocating for prisoners' rights. We are being denied to have such a policy.' She said her organisation's records has around 800 names of South Africans convicted and sentenced in foreign countries. IOL News

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store