
A genocidal militia in Sudan controls a key ingredient in Coke and Pepsi
For two years, Hisham Salih Yagoub has fielded calls from frantic drivers across war-torn Sudan asking him to pay thousands of dollars to the genocidal paramilitary group that has torn the country apart — extortion to get his truckloads of gum arabic to the port.
After it's sorted in warehouses in Port Sudan, Yagoub's gum arabic is sent to clients in Europe and the U.S.. Gum arabic, a sticky tree sap, is an essential ingredient in everything from Coca-Cola to Danone yogurt to M&Ms. Sudan produces 70% of the world's supply — and Yagoub's company, Afritec, is one of the biggest suppliers.
"You have to pay a lot of money to the janjaweed,' Yagoub said of the Rapid Support Forces militia, which the U.S. in January accused of committing genocide in a civil war that's displaced 12 million people and killed at least 150,000. He says he routinely pays them around $2,500 per truck.
Gum arabic acts as an organic emulsifier in consumer goods around the world — in candy, medicine, soda and cosmetics. It grows across Africa — from Senegal to Kenya — but the millions of acacia trees that grow in a sandy 200,000 square mile belt across southern Sudan that is largely controlled by the RSF is the heart of production.
Now, two years into the war that's sparked the globe's biggest humanitarian crisis, the supply chain in Sudan is completely untraceable — with no way to tell whether household brand names contain products that are funding war criminals, according to trade data and interviews with more than a dozen traders, officials, executives and other experts.
"If gum arabic disappeared, Coca-Cola's formula would no longer work. It would no longer be Coca-Cola,' said Maysara Elawad, a commercial advisor for the Albakry Factory for Packing & Preparing Gum Arabic, which exports around 4,000 tons of gum annually to companies in Europe and the U.S. "There's no way to trace it at this point.'
Coca-Cola declined to comment. Nestle said it's "committed to sourcing all our commodities in a responsible way, and in line with applicable regulatory requirements.' Mars, which makes M&Ms, said it doesn't tolerate bribery or corruption and is "actively engaging with our suppliers regarding the deeply concerning situation in Sudan and we remain prepared to take any appropriate action if we find any violation of our policies.' Pepsi and Danone didn't respond to detailed lists of questions.
Sudan produces 70% of the world's supply of gum arabic much of which leaves the country via the Port of Sudan. |
bloomberg
Throughout the war, the gum arabic that stops the sugar in Coke from falling to the bottom of the can has continued to flow out of the Darfur and Kordofan regions that the RSF largely control, and where most of the acacia trees that produce it are grown by smallholder farmers or cooperatives.
"There is a real question mark now over the sourcing: How is it sourced? Did the sourcing of gum arabic involve violence and abuse of communities and abuse of farmers?' said Tedd George, a consultant at the Kleos Advisory, a consultancy specializing in commodities in African markets. "The answer is probably yes.'
A spokesman for the RSF denied that its fighters loot or extort gum arabic suppliers. "The owners of Sudanese gum arabic companies have political, social and economic interests with the army and the Islamist movement. It is natural for them to say this,' Nizar Ahmed said. 'We are ready to provide all possible facilities for companies, businessmen and investors to enter production areas and purchase the product.'
The gum arabic that Afritec buys from farmers in Kordofan in bushels and sacks of pink crystallized sap goes mainly to France-based Nexira, which is responsible for 40% of the world's total processed gum. Nexira's product winds up in yogurt manufactured by Danone in Egypt, bottles of Coke in India and Pepsi in Pakistan, according to a Bloomberg analysis of trade data compiled by Sayari, a risk management and supply chain analysis data provider. The company and peers including U.S.-based Ingredion, Ireland's Kerry Group and France-based Alland & Robert dominate the industry.
Nexira didn't respond to a detailed list of questions, including specific queries about Yagoub's extortion payments to the RSF. The company told Reuters earlier this month that it had cut imports from Sudan due to the war and taken measures to vary its sourcing to include ten countries in order to reduce supply chain risks.
Kerry Group didn't respond to a request for comment. Ingredion didn't respond to a request for comment, but told Reuters earlier this month that it had also diversified its import base to include countries such as Cameroon.
All four companies, along with Coca-Cola, Pepsi, Nivea, Danone and Mars express commitments to ethical supply chains on their websites, as well as expectations that their suppliers also adhere to those values.
The gum arabic from Sudanese farmers goes mainly to France-based Nexira International, which is responsible for 40% of the world's total processed gum. |
bloomberg
The Association for International Promotion of Gums (AIPG), a trade lobby representing major processors, and its members "unequivocally condemn any form of smuggling of acacia gum,' according to a statement on its website updated on March 11.
"Despite the challenges of an unstable environment, traceability and the legitimacy of exports remain ensured, notably thanks to the relocation of activities to safe areas such as Port Sudan and the establishment of secure corridors,' the group said. "While the conflict in Sudan has led to increased production and exports from other countries in the Gum Belt, these nations have long been producers of acacia gum and continue to supply the global market.'
The RSF has also burned fields, killed farmers and looted thousands of tons from warehouses in Sudan's capital, Khartoum — including 3,000 metric tons from Afritec, according to Yagoub — before smuggling it across borders into Chad, Libya or Egypt, inevitably making its way into the global supply chain, according to executives at six gum arabic trading companies in Sudan. In May 2023, RSF fighters raided farms in Kordofan, burning plantations and looting 550 metric tons of gum arabic, according to a judicial complaint filed by Mohammed El Munzir, a gum producer, on March 5 in a court in Merowe.
More than 30,000 tons of gum arabic has been looted since the war started, according to Bashir al-Kinani, a member of the Sudan Chamber of Commerce and the Sudan Gum Arabic Association.
"European companies buy looted Sudanese gum smuggled outside of the country,' Albakry's Elawad said.
Ahmat Mussa, a Chad-based trader and CEO of Al-Khikhwane, said Sudanese gum had flooded the Chadian market over the past year. He said there was no way of telling if it had been sourced from communities, traders or companies who had been extorted or had their rights abused by RSF soldiers.
"It's mixed with Chadian gum when it enters the country,' he said, adding that some leaves the country via Cameroon.
After being sorted in warehouses in Port Sudan, gum arabic is sent to clients in Europe and the U.S. |
bloomberg
Sudan's army has also introduced loading costs, export duties, general taxes and forestry fees that amount to roughly $155 per 100kg of gum arabic being sent out of Port Sudan, according to documents shared by Elawad. That additional $1,550 per metric ton helps fund an army led by a man — Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan — who has also been sanctioned by the U.S. for his role in the indiscriminate bombing of civilian infrastructure, attacks on schools, markets and hospitals, and extrajudicial executions. An army spokesman didn't respond to a request for comment on the levies. In January, the army said it "rejects and condemns the sanctions.'
That means that however gum arabic leaves Sudan, it's likely to be enriching actors connected to war crimes.
"AIPG does not see any evidence of links between acacia gum supply chain and the competing forces,' the gum trade group said. "In particular, there is no reason to assume that there might be any financial links between the AIPG members and the political forces, armies and militias involved in the current situation. This product category is of neglectable financial interest to the conflicting parties.'
Gum arabic has been used for millennia: as an adhesive in Stone Age Africa, in paint by Neolithic Chinese scribes, to embalm the mummies of Egyptian Pharaohs and to harden the lipstick used by Queen Elizabeth I and Cleopatra. The Greeks used it to treat ulcers; the Old Masters — including Rembrandt — to bind their paints.
In recent decades, it's become so important to global food companies that they successfully lobbied the Clinton administration to carve gum arabic out of a sweeping sanctions regime imposed on Sudan in 1997 for sponsoring terrorism and providing refuge to Osama bin Laden. Companies including Cargill have developed synthetic alternatives but they haven't replaced natural gum arabic, which continues to flow out of Sudan amid the current atrocities — either from Port Sudan or smuggled through neighboring countries.
Major gum arabic processors and buyers are members of Sedex, which is a platform and data-driven tool "that businesses use to help them assess and manage ethical and sustainability risks within their supply chains,' according to a Sedex spokesperson. But suppliers in Sudan said buying gum arabic that meet ethical standards has become near impossible since the war began.
Roughly 70% of the 72,000 metric tons of gum arabic the European Union imported from around the world in 2024 came from Sudan. Although there was a slight 3% dip in Sudan's exports to the EU over that period, it was filled by a nearly identical increase in exports from neighboring Egypt, a country that traditionally ships very little. Chad has also seen exports rise.
"We don't even care if it's been smuggled,' said Mussa, the Chadian trader. "The important thing is that it is properly weighed and you receive your money.'
Roughly 70% of the 72,000 metric tons of gum arabic the European Union imported from around the world in 2024 came from Sudan. |
bloomberg
On Nexira's website, scientists dressed in white overalls study ways to bring consumers new sensory experiences by using locust bean gum texturizers in ice cream, plant-based drinks and spreadable cheeses at its headquarters in Rouen. The company imported at least 149 shipments totaling 3,679 metric tons of gum arabic from Sudan since the war broke out last April, according to a Bloomberg analysis of trade data compiled by Sayari.
More than 15% of those exports came from Afritec — the company that Yagoub runs and which has been paying extortion fees to the RSF. Afritec has exported at least 599 metric tons of gum arabic to Nexira since the war started, Sayari data show. On its website, Nexira says it's a member of Sedex and "must safeguard human rights in the communities that produce the basic material."
The French company has sold at least 32 metric tons of gum arabic to Coca-Cola in Pakistan and India during the course of the war as well as 503 metric tons of the product to Pepsi in India and Pakistan. It also sold 39 metric tons to Danone in Egypt and Brazil.
Yagoub, the Afritec chairman, said the price of gum arabic had risen to around $4,000 a metric ton today due to higher transport costs and the RSF's extortion, from $1,200 before the war.
"They stop the trucks and you have to pay for the trucks to move,' he said. "They either steal some of it or they make you pay.'
Since Sudan's civil war began, Alland & Robert, another top French processor, has sold to Coca-Cola, Nestle and Farbest Brands, a U.S. company that sells gum arabic to major American brands. The French company bought at least 1,161 metric tons of gum arabic from companies in Chad and 484 metric tons from companies in Sudan in 2024. Farbest didn't respond to a request for comment.
"We condemn any form of smuggling, human rights violation, or illegal practice in the gum acacia industry,' Alland & Robert said in response to questions from Bloomberg, pointing to its membership in Sedex and other sustainable and ethical supply chain pledges including "We Use Wild' by the NGO Traffic, Ecovadis, the United Nations Global Compact and "Fair For Life,' meaning it adheres to international standards for fair trade and responsible supply chains.
In September 2023, Unity Arabic Gum Company CEO Mohammed Hussein Sorge said one of his drivers was en route to Port Sudan via Para village just north of the city of El-Obeid. At a checkpoint on the road running north, RSF soldiers arrested the driver at gunpoint.
"They took the truck and the gum arabic and I paid $10,000 to release him,' he said. "As for my company, it has been robbed many times since the beginning of the war in 2023.'
Sorge said he shuttered his company in December 2023 because of the high extortion costs and security risks for his drivers. "If you carry gum arabic or sesame or any good and you're going to Port Sudan, the RSF may kill you or ask you to pay fees to them,' he said in an interview from Cairo, where he has lived since the outbreak of war.
Late last year, inside a warehouse in Port Sudan where women toiled in sweltering temperatures, Mustafa Abdulraman, a manager at Nat Crops for Import and Export, had recently delivered 220 metric tons of gum arabic to Ireland-based Kerry Group.
"The market is there,' he said, combing his hand through a pile of evenly sized pink chunks of dried gum. "But nobody is really asking any questions about how it leaves the country.'

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Mainichi
a day ago
- The Mainichi
Centuries-old records of crimes, often blamed on alcohol, exhibited in Japan's Chiba Pref.
SODEGAURA, Chiba -- Records of crop thefts and crimes blamed on alcohol are among Edo-period (1603-1867) documents on display at a museum in this eastern Japan city, hinting that society is not much different centuries later. The exhibition, whose title roughly translates to "Village life and serious incidents: Exploring case records from the Edo period," is underway at the Sodegaura City Local Museum in Chiba Prefecture and will run until July 21, shedding light on village life during the Edo period through old documents related to criminal cases. Admission is free. The Mainichi Shimbun spoke to Kumiko Kirimura, 58, a curator at the museum who planned the exhibition and deciphered the old documents, for insights on the event. Below are excerpts from the interview. Mainichi Shimbun: Why was the exhibition organized? Kumiko Kirimura: Our museum has about 90,000 old documents entrusted or donated by families in the city, and we wanted to create an exhibition that would engage visitors. We chose incidents as the theme, which would likely interest many people, displaying around 80 documents related to the cases. MS: How were incidents resolved back then? KK: In farming villages of that era, much reliance was placed on discussions. When a crime occurred, village officials acted as mediators between the perpetrator and the victim to seek reconciliation. If unresolved, the matter was brought to the feudal lord's office. MS: What types of crimes occurred? KK: The documents on display mainly date from the late Edo period. Repeated famines and disasters left people exhausted, leading to burglaries, robberies and the like even in the seemingly peaceful farming villages of Sodegaura. Theft of crops was an issue back then, just as it is today. One document (from 1796) is titled "ginmi negai." In it a village head in Kisarazu (today a city neighboring Sodegaura) appeals to government authorities to punish a bamboo shoot thief. It describes a case in which a farmer was caught on the spot after breaking into the village head's bamboo grove and stealing 40 to 50 shoots. But the thief escaped while being transported, and the village head became the victim of theft again. What surprised me was the large number of incidents claimed to have been caused by "the influence of alcohol." There was a case where a man committed "outrageous acts" against a maid on an errand. A letter dating back to 1756 from the man and his relatives to the maid's master states, "We humbly accept your early settlement of the matter, agreeing that it was due to alcohol." And the case was closed. For victims, having terrible incidents dismissed on the grounds that they were "due to alcohol" would be infuriating. MS: What did you learn about society back then? KK: I felt that the continuity of families and the village's peace were considered paramount. In a case involving the mysterious death of a village official, the head of the village prioritized the succession to the deceased official's family headship, and sought withdrawal of the complaint, stating in an 1840 document, "He had a habit of climbing trees when drunk, so I think he fell and froze to death." Perhaps the village head wanted to settle the family matter quickly rather than prolonging the investigation. There is also a document dating to 1810 suggesting that the village bore the compensation costs for a farmer who filed a suit over damaged property, likely to resolve the issue swiftly. MS: What are your impressions from reading many old documents? KK: The ways people confronted incidents and turmoil felt very real. Though old documents appear as mere old paper, they are incredible sources filled with the thoughts of people from those times. I'd like to shed light on the many individuals who laid the foundations of the region by introducing these old documents.


Japan Today
3 days ago
- Japan Today
Kilmar Abrego Garcia returned to U.S., charged with transporting people in the country illegally
By ERIC TUCKER, ALANNA DURKIN RICHER, LINDSAY WHITEHURST and BEN FINLEY Kilmar Abrego Garcia, whose mistaken deportation to El Salvador became a political flashpoint in the Trump administration's stepped-up immigration enforcement, was returned to the United States on Friday to face criminal charges related to what the Trump administration said was a massive human smuggling operation that brought immigrants into the country illegally. His abrupt release from El Salvador closes one chapter and opens another in a saga that yielded a remarkable, months-long standoff between Trump officials and the courts over a deportation that officials initially acknowledged was done in error but then continued to stand behind in apparent defiance of orders by judges to facilitate his return to the U.S. The development occurred after U.S. officials presented El Salvador President Nayib Bukele with an arrest warrant for federal charges in Tennessee accusing Abrego Garcia of playing a key role in smuggling immigrants into the country for money. He is expected to be prosecuted in the U.S. and, if convicted, will be returned to his home country of El Salvador at the conclusion of the case, officials said Friday. 'This is what American justice looks like,' Attorney General Pam Bondi said in announcing Abrego Garcia's return and the unsealing of a grand jury indictment. A court appearance in Nashville was set for Friday. Abrego Garcia's attorneys called the case 'baseless." 'There's no way a jury is going to see the evidence and agree that this sheet metal worker is the leader of an international MS-13 smuggling conspiracy,' attorney Simon Sandoval-Moshenberg said. Democrats and immigrant rights group had pressed for Abrego Garcia's release, with several lawmakers — including Sen. Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, where Abrego Garcia had lived for years — even traveling to El Salvador to visit him. A federal judge had ordered him to be returned in April and the Supreme Court rejected an emergency appeal by directing the government to work to bring him back. But the news that Abrego Garcia, who had an immigration court order preventing his deportation to his native country over fears he would face persecution from local gangs, was being brought back for the purpose of prosecution was greeted with dismay by his lawyers. 'This administration ... instead of simply admitting their mistake, they'll stop at nothing at all, including some of the most preposterous charges imageable," Sandoval-Moshenberg said. Ama Frimpong, legal director with the group CASA, said Abrego Garcia's family has mixed emotions about his return to the U.S. 'Let him talk to his wife. Let him talk to his children. This family has suffered enough,' she said. Sandoval-Moshenberg said Abrego Garcia is one of the first, if not the first, person released from a notorious prison in El Salvador, though he was later imprisoned at another facility. 'So it's going to be very interesting to hear what he has to say about the way in which he was treated,' the attorney said. The indictment, filed last month and unsealed Friday, lays out a string of allegations that date back to 2016 but are only being disclosed now, nearly three months after Abrego Garcia was mistakenly deported and following the Trump administration's repeated claims that he is a criminal. It accuses him of smuggling throughout the U.S. thousands of people living in the country illegally, including members of the violent MS-13 gang, from Central America and abusing women he was transporting. A co-conspirator also alleged that he participated in the killing of a gang member's mother in El Salvador, prosecutors wrote in papers urging the judge to keep him behind bars while he awaits trial. The indictment does not charge him in connection with that allegation. 'Later, as part of his immigration proceedings in the United States, the defendant claimed he could not return to El Salvador because he was in fear of retribution from the 18th Street gang,' the detention memo states. 'While partially true — the defendant, according to the information received by the Government, was in fear of retaliation by the 18th Street gang — the underlying reason for the retaliation was the defendant's own actions in participating in the murder of a rival 18th Street gang member's mother," prosecutors wrote. The charges stem from a 2022 vehicle stop in which the Tennessee Highway Patrol suspected him of human trafficking. A report released by the Department of Homeland Security in April states that none of the people in the vehicle had luggage, while they listed the same address as Abrego Garcia. Abrego Garcia was never charged with a crime, while the officers allowed him to drive on with only a warning about an expired driver's license, according to the DHS report. The report said he was traveling from Texas to Maryland, via Missouri, to bring in people to perform construction work. In response to the report's release in April, Abrego Garcia's wife said in a statement that he sometimes transported groups of workers between job sites, 'so it's entirely plausible he would have been pulled over while driving with others in the vehicle. He was not charged with any crime or cited for any wrongdoing.' Abrego Garcia's background and personal life have been a source of dispute and contested facts. Immigrant rights advocates have cast his arrest as emblematic of an administration whose deportation policy is haphazard and error-prone, while Trump officials have pointed to prior interactions with police and described him as a gang member who fits the mold they are determined to expel from the country. Abrego Garcia lived in the U.S. for roughly 14 years, during which he worked construction, got married and was raising three children with disabilities, according to court records. Trump administration officials said he was deported based on a 2019 accusation from Maryland police that he was an MS-13 gang member. Abrego Garcia denied the allegation and was never charged with a crime, his attorneys said. A U.S. immigration judge subsequently shielded Abrego Garcia from deportation to El Salvador because he likely faced persecution there by local gangs. The Trump administration deported him there in March, later describing the mistake as 'an administrative error' but insisting he was in MS-13. Even if Abrego Garcia is convicted of the charges announced Friday, the Trump administration would still have to return to a U.S. immigration court if it wanted to deport him to El Salvador, Sandoval-Moshenberg said. He also expects the case in Maryland to continue as the federal judge there considers whether the administration obeyed her orders to return him. Abrego Garcia's return comes days after the Trump administration complied with a court order to return a Guatemalan man deported to Mexico despite his fears of being harmed there. The man, identified in court papers as O.C.G, was the first person known to have been returned to U.S. custody after deportation since the start of President Donald Trump's second term. © Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.


Japan Today
5 days ago
- Japan Today
Hundreds of Venezuelans deported to El Salvador have right to challenge detention, US judge rules
FILE PHOTO: U.S. military personnel escort an alleged gang member who was deported by the U.S. along with others the U.S. alleges are members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua and the MS-13 gang to be imprisoned in the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT) prison, at the El Salvador International Airport in San Luis Talpa, El Salvador April 12, 2025. Secretaria de Prensa de la Presidencia/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo By Luc Cohen Hundreds of Venezuelans deported from the United States to El Salvador under an 18th century wartime law must be given the chance to challenge their detentions, and the Trump administration must facilitate the legal challenges, a U.S. judge ruled on Wednesday. U.S. District Judge James Boasberg stopped short of expressly ordering the Trump administration to bring the hundreds of Venezuelan migrants currently being held in a mega-prison in El Salvador back to the United States. The judge gave the Trump administration one week to detail how it would facilitate the deportees' filing of legal challenges. In his ruling, Boasberg wrote that the individuals were deported without adequate notice or the right to contest their removals. 'That process - which was improperly withheld - must now be afforded to them,' Boasberg wrote. 'Absent this relief, the government could snatch anyone off the street, turn him over to a foreign country, and then effectively foreclose any corrective course of action.' It was not immediately clear how the migrants would file the legal challenges, known as habeas corpus petitions, from within El Salvador's Terrorism Confinement Center. The Venezuelans were deported in March after President Donald Trump, a Republican, invoked the 1798 Alien Enemies Act to swiftly deport alleged members of the Tren de Aragua gang without going through normal immigration procedures. Boasberg's Wednesday ruling is the first to address the fate of these detainees. Neither the White House nor the Justice Department immediately responded to requests for comment. Family members of many of the Venezuelans deported on March 15 and their lawyers deny the migrants had any gang ties, and say they were not given a chance to contest the Trump administration's allegations in court. The Trump administration is paying President Nayib Bukele's government $6 million to hold them. The U.S. Supreme Court in April held that migrants must be allowed to challenge their removals under the Alien Enemies Act. Courts around the country have since barred the Trump administration from further deportations of alleged Tren de Aragua members under the law. But those rulings only applied to Venezuelans still in the U.S. facing possible deportation under the law. CRACKDOWN ON IMMIGRATION The ruling by Boasberg, an appointee of Democratic President Barack Obama, is the latest judicial ruling against Trump's aggressive immigration policy. But the Republican president has also scored major wins from the U.S. Supreme Court, which has backed his hardline approach in some cases while also signaling some reservations with how he is carrying out his agenda. Trump campaigned for his second term on a pledge to step up deportations. Trump, who has accused federal judges of stifling his agenda, called for Boasberg's impeachment after the judge in March granted a request by lawyers for the Venezuelan migrants to temporarily block their deportations. Trump's comment prompted a rebuke from U.S. Chief Justice John Roberts, who said appeals, not impeachments, were the proper way to handle disagreements with judicial rulings. At the time of Boasberg's March ruling, planes carrying the migrants had already taken off from the U.S. The judge ordered the administration to return the migrants. When officials did not, Boasberg opened an inquiry into whether anyone should be held in contempt for disobeying his order. The judge's probe is on hold while the Trump administration appeals. In Wednesday's ruling, Boasberg cited the Supreme Court's ruling in a separate case upholding a lower court's order for the administration to facilitate the return of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran migrant living in Maryland who was deported to El Salvador despite an earlier court ruling that he not be sent there. The Supreme Court, however, struck down an order by the judge in that case that the government 'effectuate' Abrego Garcia's return, citing the deference courts must give to the government on foreign policy matters. Boasberg said his decision to allow the Trump administration propose a procedure for allowing the Venezuelans to file legal challenges balanced the executive branch's authority over foreign affairs with the migrants' constitutional rights. © Thomson Reuters 2025.