Supporters, opponents of Kemp's lawsuit legislation overhaul ratchet up pressure at Georgia Capitol
Michael Rosemary (left) said hotel employees ignored signs she was a sex trafficking victim and is arguing against legislation to limit lawsuit awards. Charles Tarbutton, a Sandersville trucking company CEO, said he speaks for the little guy who is getting hurt by large jury damage awards. Ross Williams/Georgia Recorder
With fewer than 10 legislative days to go until the gavel falls to send state lawmakers home on April 4, pressure is mounting on both sides of the fight over the future of Georgia's civil litigation landscape.
Although Senate Bill 68, the omnibus lawsuit overhaul bill backed by Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, passed quickly through the state Senate, it has languished in the House Rules Subcommittee on Lawsuit Reform, a sign that the bill's proponents in the House are still working to gain the support needed to ensure its passage.
The special subcommittee has held four separate hearings on the bill over the past two weeks, each featuring hours of public testimony, but lawmakers adjourned Wednesday without voting on the legislation. A companion bill with more bipartisan support, Senate Bill 69, has yet to be heard in the committee.
And as the end of session draws nearer, both supporters and opponents of the bill are getting organized, sending letters to lawmakers, providing testimony in committee and holding press conferences at the Georgia Capitol in an effort to plead their case to state lawmakers.
At a Thursday morning press conference held on the north steps of the Capitol building — a prominent location usually reserved solely through the governor's office — business executives from across Georgia gathered to trumpet their support for the bill. Representatives spanning industries like manufacturing, agriculture, health care and trucking spoke about the growing cost of doing business in Georgia, arguing that large jury settlements and baseless lawsuits were leading to inflated insurance premiums that threatened their prosperity.
'Georgia's trucking companies are being run off of the proverbial road by Georgia's imbalanced civil justice system,' said Charles Tarbutton, the president and CEO of the Sandersville-based trucking company B-H Transfer, adding that his company was currently facing a dozen lawsuits.
'I've heard many times over the last several weeks, 'this is really about big corporations versus the little guy,'' Tarbutton continued. 'I urge the members of the House to reject that fallacy. I speak on behalf of those 75,000 truck drivers in Georgia. We are the little guys.'
Kemp has previously argued that sweeping policy changes are needed to bring down insurance costs for businesses throughout the state, vowing to bring back lawmakers for a special session if he felt they came up short in delivering 'meaningful, impactful' changes. A top Kemp aide also appeared on the Atlanta Journal-Constitution's Politically Georgia talk show before the bill appeared on the Senate floor, threatening to use the governor's substantial leadership committee campaign war chest to back primary challengers for any Republicans who voted against the bill or supported 'unfriendly amendments.'
But at a second press conference Thursday, held later that same day on the opposite side of the building, members of the growing opposition to SB 68 voiced their objections, arguing that the legislation would restrict survivors of sexual assault and human trafficking from being able to hold bad actors accountable.
'Noticing and acting are two very different things,' said Michael Rosemary, a human trafficking survivor and activist who said hotel employees actively ignored the abuse she endured at the hands of her pimp.
Hotels like the one where she was abused, she added, 'were complicit, and that makes them responsible. This bill would allow these very businesses to walk away without any consequences. It would take away one of the only forms of justice survivors have left: The ability to hold these businesses that enabled our abuse accountable.'
Victims' advocates also raised concern about a provision that would allow trials to be bifurcated, or split into multiple stages, arguing that it would be retraumatizing for survivors of violence and abuse to have to provide testimony multiple times. They also urged lawmakers to add an amendment to the bill that would carve out a few exemptions for survivors of sexual abuse and human trafficking, as well as for children and elderly plaintiffs.
Despite the uncertainty, House Speaker Jon Burns, a Newington Republican, said he expects to see a vote on the bill in a committee meeting next week.
'We're doing exactly what we said we would do,' Burns said when asked about the delay in passing SB 68. 'We do what the House does when a bill comes over from the Senate: we're speaking to the Senate, we're speaking to the governor. We're ensuring that we have all the information on the table.'
SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
New York Times
25 minutes ago
- New York Times
Hawley Breaks With Republicans to Oppose a Major Crypto Bill
While the clash between Elon Musk and President Trump captivated Washington on Thursday, another drama was playing out behind closed doors over a bill to regulate the $250 billion market for stablecoins, which could transform America's relationship with the dollar, upend the credit card industry, and benefit both Musk and Trump. The bill, the GENIUS Act, is poised to pass the Senate within days. But a prominent Republican, Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri, said that he will vote against the bill in its current form, warning that it would hand too much control of America's financial system to tech giants. 'It's a huge giveaway to Big Tech,' Hawley said in an interview. Mr. Hawley, who previously voted against the bill for procedural purposes, is concerned that the legislation would allow tech giants to create digital currencies that compete with the dollar. And he fears that such companies would then be motivated to collect even more data on users' finances. 'It allows these tech companies to issue stablecoins without any kind of controls,' he said. 'I don't see why we would do that.' Similar worries scuttled an effort by Meta to get into stablecoins. In 2019, Jay Powell of the Fed, among others, raised 'serious concerns' about Meta's cryptocurrency initiative, called Libra and then Diem. It abandoned the project in 2022. The GENIUS Act has exposed divisions in both parties. Democrats like Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts oppose the bill, warning it would make it easier for Trump, whose family announced its own USD1 stablecoin in March, to engage in corrupt practices. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
Yahoo
29 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Legislative recap for Thursday, June 5
The dome of the Maine State House in Augusta. Sept. 5, 2023. (Photo by Jim Neuger/ Maine Morning Star) With a citizen-led campaign to impose voter ID requirements heading to the ballots, lawmakers discussed the issue at length Thursday before rejecting a legislative proposal mirroring the ballot initiative. Several Republican members of the Maine House of Representatives said if returning clothes and buying cigarettes requires photo identification, so should voting. They alleged rampant voter fraud by noncitizens, which Maine's Secretary of State has said is not the case. Democrats pushed back, saying Maine already has a robust system to prevent fraud, and that requiring voter ID would disadvantage students, seniors and people with disabilities. With a 72-69 vote, the bill, LD 38, was rejected. 'There is a fundamental difference between having to show an ID to buy alcohol or tobacco products or returning an unwanted item to a store,' said Rep. Kelly Noonan Murphy (D-Scarborough).'None of those things are sacred rights granted to us in the Constitution. And therefore, imposing barriers on that right … is un-American.' With papers shuffling between chambers this week, Maine Morning Star has compiled a slightly more pared down roundup again for Thursday, focusing on the biggest items of debates as well as legislation and issues that we've followed all session. Here's an overview of what happened Thursday. Both chambers have now passed an amended version of LD 1726, which seeks to improve planning for the future of the energy grid. The House supported it with a 75-69 vote, and the Senate followed suit passing the bill 19-13 Thursday afternoon. After LD 1928 squeaked through the House with a 72-70 vote, the Senate passed it 17-15. This bill would ban single-use plastic containers — such as mini shampoo bottles — at lodging establishments starting in 2030. Although Rep. Michael Soboleski (R-Phillips) said the well-intentioned legislation overlooks sanitation concerns and poses challenges for businesses, others praised it for its potential to chip away at plastic use in the state. 'A conservative estimate is that this bill could eliminate as many as 73 million single-use plastic bottles per year from Maine's waste stream as we struggle to recycle our way out of the catastrophe of microplastics, that is meaningful action,' said Rep. Vicki Doudera (D-Camden). Although the proposed net energy billing reform that could save ratepayers more than $65 million has yet to hit the floors, the Senate and House passed an amended version of LD 839, which would create a fund to offset transmission and distribution costs associated with the policy that would otherwise be passed onto ratepayers. Additionally, lawmakers backed a bill requiring internet providers to treat all broadband internet traffic equally, a concept commonly referred to as 'net neutrality.' LD 536 passed the House 79-66, while the Senate gave its approval Thursday. With a 74-67 House vote, both chambers supported LD 246, which asks courts to consider a sentence other than imprisonment for primary caregivers. Rep. Adam Lee (D-Auburn) said the bill is needed because 'the research is clear, children with incarcerated parents are more likely to face mental health challenges, exhibit behavioral problems, experience social isolation and suffer from economic hardship. These children are also more likely to perform poorly in school and have higher absentee rates.' With a 73-69 vote, the House also passed LD 1859, a bill that would offer regional hubs for childcare, which can serve as access points in communities, tailored to the needs of those families. The Senate approved it Wednesday. Both chambers have now rejected LD 1476, which sought to impose a new lodging fee to help fund homeless shelters in the state. A heavily amended version of LD 1787 passed in the Senate after the House gave approval Wednesday. The bill initially sought to allow candidates for district attorney, sheriff and county commissioner to participate in the Maine Clean Election Act, but the version now being considered was amended to increase the contribution limits for gubernatorial seed money donations. (Read more about other proposals related to changing Maine's clean elections here.) Legislation (LD 1900) to grant authority to certain Wabanaki Nations to develop tribal power districts and recognize the authority for child support enforcement passed the House 75-67 on Wednesday and Senate 20-12. There was also bipartisan support for LD 1886, which would extend the current penalties applied when a motor vehicle violation results in death to violations that result in serious bodily harm. Lawmakers killed a proposal (LD 1461) to prohibit school boards from adopting a mask mandate unless directed by a health agency. So far, the Legislature has only supported modest refinements to the state's paid family and medical leave. That approach continued Thursday, when two more bills looking to amend the program were rejected. LD 1169, which would allow employers to get a refund for any premiums paid into the state's plan if they are approved to use a private substitute plan, was voted down 73-68 by the House and 18-14 by the Senate. Both chambers also rejected LD 1400, which looked to exempt certain public school employees from the program. And the Senate cast a final enactment vote for LD 588, which would give agricultural employees the right to engage in certain concerted activity, which includes talking about wages, working conditions and other employment matters with other employees or the employer. (Read more about that here.) After the Senate narrowly voted it down, the House passed LD 1535, which would require the Public Utilities Commission to gather a group of municipal, police and fire officials to discuss the high electricity usage related to illegal cannabis grows in the state. During discussions Wednesday, Sen. Craig Hickman (D-Kennebec) said the Veterans and Legal Affairs Committee is carrying over legislation into the next session that could provide a more comprehensive approach, including this sort of study. The Senate insisted on its original vote Thursday night. Leaving it in limbo, the House did not again take up LD 810, the bill seeking to modify the law born out of a 2021 referendum question requiring the Maine Legislature to approve any new high-impact transmission lines. It fell shy of passage in the House with lawmakers voting 72-75 before ultimately killing the bill under the hammer. However, the Senate passed the bill 18-16 Wednesday. During an evening session, the Senate rejected LD 1036, which would prohibit landlords from refusing to rent to tenants solely because they rely on programs such as General Assistance or housing vouchers. Since the House passed the proposal 72-70 on Wednesday, the lower chamber will need to take it up again. Sen. Chip Curry (D-Waldo) said this is an important issue, but asked the Senate to reject the measure simply because the Judiciary Committee is carrying a similar bill into the next session to allow more time to work on it. Although the House rejected LD 1236 earlier in the day on Thursday, the Senate voted 22-10 in favor of its passage after a failed 16-16 vote to reject the bill and impassioned floor speeches about the importance of addressing the presence of fentanyl in the state. The amended version of the bill seeks to create a Class A crime for aggravated trafficking of fentanyl when it results in an overdose. While no one refuted that fentanyl poses a crisis, Curry said the state can't incarcerate its way out of it. Senate Minority Leader Trey Stewart said he supports a multipronged approach to solving the substance use crisis including access to treatment and other supports, but argued that this bill could bolster that. The Senate advanced two bills that aim to support mobile home park residents in purchasing their parks. (Read more about that here.) Maine is one step closer to joining its New England peers who all have so-called food waste bans on the books now that the Senate has approved a slightly amended version of LD 1065. The bill would prohibit significant generators of food waste, which could include schools, hospitals, food producers and others, from disposing of food waste if they are close to a facility that could compost or otherwise dispose of the waste. The House passed a bill (LD 1078) expanding access to needle exchange programs in a 74-65 vote. The bill would allow certified programs to operate additional locations within the same county. (Read more about our syringe service program coverage here). SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
29 minutes ago
- Yahoo
7 senators to watch as Republicans make changes to Trump's big bill
WASHINGTON — As Senate Republican leaders push to a massive bill for President Donald Trump's agenda by July 4, they are juggling a host of competing demands. Some senators are genuine threats to vote against the legislation, while others are expected to support it in the end after using their demands to shape it. Several of them have complicated political considerations. The Republicans who are speaking out most loudly point to a variety of ways the House-passed bill may change in the Senate, as party leaders seek to ease enough of their concerns. With all Democrats expected to vote against the package, Republicans will need at least 50 votes to pass it, as Vice President JD Vance could break a tie. Here are seven key senators to watch. Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., is the only Republican senator who has voted against this legislation every step of the way. He has blasted the spike in military spending, the huge increase in deficits and, in particular, the $5 trillion debt limit hike. Paul does support a key part of the package — an extension of the Trump's 2017 tax cuts — but he wants to offset it with trillions of dollars in additional spending cuts, which the GOP has no hope of finding consensus on. Paul typically doesn't play games with his red lines. Barring an uncharacteristic about face, expect him to vote against the bill. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, is the sole surviving GOP senator to represent a state that Democrats consistently win at the presidential level. And she faces re-election this year. Her trajectory has been revealing, from supporting the initial budget resolution to voting against the revised version. A key reason for her opposition? Concerns that the Medicaid cuts would harm low-income and elderly constituents. She also expressed reservations about going after waste and fraud in Medicare, as GOP leaders have begun to consider. In addition, Collins and others like Sen. John Curtis, R-Utah, would firmly oppose overruling the parliamentarian, the Senate's in-house referee who settles rule disputes, if she disqualifies some policies. Collins voted for the party's 2017 tax law, but she has been willing to vote against major GOP bills in the past. Party leaders will need to take her demands seriously in order to win her vote. When Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, voted for the budget blueprint in April that kickstarted the process of writing the legislation, she quickly followed it up with a broad set of grievances that will need to be addressed, or she'll be 'unable to support' the final product. Among other things, she took issue with Medicaid cuts and an accounting trick her party is using to obscure the cost of the tax cuts. Two months later, her concerns persist. Asked Thursday by NBC News what she wants to change in the emerging bill, Murkowski replied dryly, 'Oh, I'll give you a list.' Murkowski has criticized the phaseout and repeal of clean energy tax credits that benefit her state, writing a letter in April with three of her colleagues — Sens. Jerry Moran, R-Kansas, Thom Tillis, R-N.C., and Curtis — highlighting the importance of America's energy independence, which they argued could be weakened as a result of this bill. Murkowski has shown an independent streak and a willingness to take political arrows when standing her ground. Sen. Mike Crapo, R-Idaho, is the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee and will help craft some of the biggest and most contentious pieces of the bill — including the tax cuts and Medicaid cuts. Despite his soft-spoken and non-confrontational style, Crapo won't be able to make everybody happy. And any changes he makes in the Senate would have to be palatable to the wafer-thin House Republican majority, which engaged in painstaking negotiations before passing its version of the bill by a one-vote margin. One example of the disconnect is the expanded $40,000 cap on state and local tax deductions, to placate a group of blue-state House Republicans. But there are no GOP senators representing blue states where that is a big issue. Crapo said "there's not a strong mood in the Senate Republican caucus right now" to expand SALT. The bill represents his biggest test since taking the powerful gavel. Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., said he wants to adjust the phaseouts of the clean energy tax credits with a more 'targeted' approach to protect U.S. businesses that are already invested in existing projects. He said there's 'general consensus that the House proposed language will be modified.' Senate Environment and Public Works Chair Shelley Moore Capito, agreed, telling NBC News some phaseouts will likely be pushed back. A member of the Finance Committee, Tillis has sounded generally positive about the direction of the bill, making him a likely 'yes' vote. But he's skeptical that the Senate will meet the Independence Day deadline: 'There's a lot of things that have to go perfectly right to get all that done and be out by July 4.' Tillis faces a tough political balancing act: He's up for re-election next year in a state that Democrats will be targeting; but first he needs to get through a Republican primary, which means staying on Trump's good side. Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., has railed against the bill and its estimated $2.4 trillion contribution to the deficit, insisting he can't vote for it as written. He has slammed the idea of a mega-bill, calling for breaking it up and limiting the debt ceiling hike. Trump asked him to be 'less negative' during a meeting at the White House on Wednesday, Johnson said. 'I think we had a good, lively discussion between the two of us,' Johnson told NBC News. 'He obviously would like me to be a little less negative, a little more positive, which I'm happy to do.' Johnson said he isn't trying to make Trump and GOP leaders' jobs harder. And the senator zig-zagged his way to 'yes' on the 2017 tax law after initially coming out against it, so party leaders have reason to be optimistic that he won't sink this legislation. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., has been the Senate GOP's most vocal opponent of cutting Medicaid "benefits' — and he's been specific about which parts of the House bill he's worried about, citing the Medicaid provider tax and cost-sharing provisions. Notably, Hawley said he's fine with coverage losses resulting from Medicaid work requirements and expanded proof-of-eligibility provisions. Those make up the bulk of the House bill's savings. Hawley has also expressed reservations about including any provisions in the bill related to Medicare, which Republicans recently said they would discuss related to savings connected to so-called 'waste, fraud, and abuse.' Hawley called that 'a terrible idea,' telling reporters Thursday, 'If you don't ever want to win an election again, just go fiddle around with people's Medicare that they've worked hard for, paid into.' This article was originally published on
