EU Commission to launch consultation on grand AI strategy
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The European Commission is set this month to launch a consultation on a Data Union Strategy which is slated to be published in last quarter of this year and aims boost the EU's AI capabilities, according to a leaked document seen by Euronews.
A public consultation to glean feedback on its plans – which aim at making it easier to share data between businesses and administrations – will run from April until June, according to the paper, which is dated 8 April.
The Data Union Strategy is one of the pillars that will contribute to the Commission's plans to make Europe the leading continent on AI.
On Wednesday, the EU executive is set to present an AI Continent Action Plan, aimed at boosting businesses' uptake of artificial intelligence tools, Henna Virkkunen, the EU Commissioner for Technology said earlier this month.
The action plan will consist of five pillars, including improving infrastructure, data access, cloud, boosting talent and skills and efforts for simplification.
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EU Commissioner touts April launch of AI plan to boost deployment by businesses
In a bid to make the bloc a leader on AI, the Commission announced earlier this year that it will build more AI factories, where companies can train their AI models.
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EU to mobilise €200 billion for AI investment
In addition, a Cloud and AI Development Act to be presented later this year will aim to use investment and energy efficiency targets to help EU companies develop and deploy AI more easily.
Though the Commission is planning a range of communications to feed into the action plan, the paper also flagged several remaining "issues', including uncertainty over data flows due to global tensions, and the potential lack of data for GenAI companies.
EU rules, including the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), make it difficult for developers of GenAI systems, such as large language models, to use personal data.
Big Tech companies including Google and Meta have complained in recent weeks about the strict regulatory environment in Europe, which leads to delays in rolling out AI tools.
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Blocking tech giants' AI tools - no downside for EU consumers, claims civil society
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Euronews
6 hours ago
- Euronews
European Commission goes on the offensive against NGO accusations
The European commission on Saturday denied German media reports that it had signed 'secret contracts' with environmental NGOs to promote the bloc's climate policy. 'Contrary to media allegations, there are no secret contracts between the European Commission and NGOs,' a commission spokesperson told Euronews. 'The Commission exercises a high degree of transparency when it comes to providing funding to NGOs. The commission's denial comes after German newspaper Welt Am Sonntag claimed that the EU's Executive arm had allegedly secretly paid environmental NGOs up to €700,000 to promote the bloc's climate policy. The paper said it got hold of 'secret contracts' from 2022, which involved well-known NGOs like 'ClientEarth,' and 'Friends of the Earth.' In the Welt Am Sonntag claims, the former allegedly 'received €350,000 'and was supposed to 'entangle German coal-fired power plants in court cases in order to increase the operators' financial and legal risk,' the paper said. The paper also reported that EC officials commissioned the latter to fight against the Mercosur free trade agreement between Europe and South America – 'even though colleagues in their own house were pushing it forward at the same time,' the paper reported. In its statement to Euronews on Saturday, the European Commission underlined that 'NGOs play a crucial role in shaping, monitoring, and enforcing legislation. NGOs also remain fully autonomous and free to establish their own views on all policy matters.' The German report comes at a time when the issue of NGO funding has become an extremely divisive political issue in Brussels. The conservative European People's Party (EPP) has claimed that the Commission instructed NGOs to lobby members of the parliament to further specific policies within the Green Deal, a central political agenda of president Ursula von der Leyen's first term between 2019 and 2024. MEP Monika Hohlmeier (Germany/EPP), told Euronews back in January that her concerns were raised when she examined some 30 funding contracts from 2022 and 2023, as part of the parliament's annual scrutiny of EU budget spending. In January, Budget Commissioner Piotr Serafin conceded that some financing from the EU's €5.4 billion environmental programme LIFE may have been inappropriate. 'I have to admit that it was inappropriate for some services in the Commission to enter into agreements that oblige NGOs to lobby members of the European Parliament specifically,' he said. But he also defended the role of NGOs in EU policy making. In April, the European Court of Auditors (ECA) also concluded following a lengthy probe that the Commission's funding of NGOs was 'opaque' and exposed the executive to 'reputational risk.' But the court did not find any breach of EU values from NGOs. To overcome ambiguities, the European Commission issued clear guidance last year to streamline how it provides funding to NGOs. On Saturday, the commission spokesperson told Euronews that EU funding to NGOs was provided 'based on grant agreements, which are complemented by work programmes whose preparation falls under the responsibility of NGOs.' 'As per the guidance, the Commission has instructed its services not to sign off on work programmes if those contain overly specific activities directed at EU institutions or their representatives,' the EC statement added. The institution will take 'further measures,' the spokesperson said, to strengthen transparency and include appropriate safeguards. 'We have been working closely with the European Parliament and the European Court of Auditors to improve this transparency even further. Information on recipients of EU funding, including the names of recipients and amounts, is publicly available on the Commission´s Financial Transparency System website,' the statement said. Argentine President Javier Milei has met with Pope Leo XIV in the Vatican on Saturday, where they discussed the importance of urgent efforts towards achieving peace. The Pope and Milei also spoke about bilateral relations, as well as "matters of common interest, such as social-economic progress, the fight against poverty, and the commitment to social cohesion," a statement by the Holy See Press Office noted. After his meeting with the pope, the Argentine President met with the Vatican Secretary of State cardinal Pietro Parolin, accompanied by the Under-Secretary for Relations with States, Reverend Msgr. Mirosław Wachowski. Milei arrived in Rome on Friday, the first stop of his 10-day European tour, where he attended the signing of a natural gas export deal, local media reported. The event was also attended by Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who hosted the Argentine president for a private dinner afterwards. Shortly after his meeting with Pope Leo XIV, Milei departed for Spain, to attend the Madrid Economic Forum. After Spain, the Argentine president will also visit France, and will end his trip in Israel, where he will receive an award in recognition of his support of Israel in a ceremony at the Knesset on 11 June.
Euronews
11 hours ago
- Euronews
At least five killed in Russian missile and drone attacks on Ukraine
The European Union has roundly deplored the United States for sanctioning four judges of the International Criminal Court (ICC), including one citizen from the bloc, Slovenia's Beti Hohler, further deepening the divide between transatlantic allies. The sanctions, which also target nationals from Benin, Uganda and Peru, were announced on Thursday by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who said the decision was based on the court's "baseless and politicised" investigations of war crimes allegedly committed by US forces in Afghanistan and Israel in the Gaza Strip. The second probe led to arrest warrants on Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Natayanhu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant. Judge Hohler ruled in favour of the orders. As a result of the measures, the four judges will be unable to access their property and assets on US soil and will be blocked from making transactions with American entities. The bans risk hindering the magistrates' ability to perform their day-to-day work. "We call on our allies to stand with us against this disgraceful attack," Rubio said. Rubio's call was met with the opposite reaction: emphatic support for the Hague-based tribunal and forceful rejection of the sanctions. "The ICC holds perpetrators of the world's gravest crimes to account & gives victims a voice. It must be free to act without pressure," said Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission. "We will always stand for global justice & the respect of international law." António Costa, the president of the European Council, voiced a similar message. "The EU strongly supports the International Criminal Court, a cornerstone of international justice," Costa wrote on social media. The ICC "does not stand against nations—it stands against impunity. We must protect its independence and integrity. The rule of law must prevail over the rule of power." High Representative Kaja Kallas stressed the ICC "must remain free from pressure and true to its principles." The Netherlands, which serves as the host country for the ICC, also expressed strong condemnation, stressing the tribunal's work must remain "as unhindered as possible". "The Netherlands disapproves of the new sanctions against officials of the International Criminal Court," said Dutch Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp. "Independent international courts and tribunals must be able to carry out their work without hindrance. We stand firmly behind the Court." Rejecting outside "pressure on judicial institutions", the Slovenian government said it would provide Judge Beti Hohler with "all necessary support in the performance of her mandate in the current situation". The country called on Brussels to immediately activate the so-called blocking statute, a decades-long regulation meant to protect EU individuals and companies from the extraterritorial application of sanctions by non-EU countries. The law was introduced in reaction to the sanctions that Washington introduced in 1996 against Cuba, Iran and Libya, which had ripple effects on European operators that engaged in legitimate trade with the three countries, particularly Cuba. The blocking statute came back to the fore in 2018, when the first Donald Trump administration withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal, reintroduced sanctions that had been previously lifted and threatened to punish companies for doing business with Tehran, regardless of their geographic location or ownership. Although Brussels tried to mitigate the damaging impact of these secondary sanctions, many European companies voluntarily cut off relations with Iran out of fear of losing access to America's highly profitable, dollar-based market. A Commission spokesperson said the executive would "closely monitor the implications before we decide on any next steps", such as the activation of the blocking statute, which is the Commission's prerogative but depends on a qualified majority among member states. "We have to take one step at a time," the spokesperson said. In a statement, the ICC insisted it would "continue its work undeterred, in strict accordance with the Rome Statute and the principles of fairness and due process". "Targeting those working for accountability does nothing to help civilians trapped in conflict. It only emboldens those who believe they can act with impunity," it said. "These sanctions are not only directed at designated individuals, they also target all those who support the Court, including nationals and corporate entities of States Parties. They are aimed against innocent victims in all situations before the Court." The US, which is not a party to the 1998 Rome Statute, has long had tense relations with the ICC, viewing with suspicion its ability to conduct probes into nationals around the world. The arrest warrant against Netanyahu was met with bipartisan condemnation in Washington and prompted a renewed assault by the Trump administration. Earlier this year, Hungary openly defied the ICC by ignoring the warrant and inviting Netanyahu to Budapest. Hungary later announced its intention to withdraw from the Rome Statute, becoming the first member state to do so. This article has been updated with more reactions. Russia launched a large-scale missile and drone attack on Ukrainian cities overnight on Friday, killing at least five people and injuring more than 70. According to Ukraine's Air Force spokesperson Yuri Ihnat, Kyiv forces intercepted 368 out of 407 drones and shot down 36 out of 45 missiles, including four out of six ballistic Iskander missiles launched by Russia. Ukraine's Air Forces activated the air raid alerts in all Ukrainian regions last night, warning people that multiple Russian bombers had taken off for the attack. Many people proceeded to bomb shelters with the warning. Ukraine's capital Kyiv was hit the hardest. The city Mayor Vitali Klitschko said search and rescue operations were under way at several locations. Multiple explosions were heard in Kyiv overnight, where falling debris sparked fires across several districts as air defence systems attempted to intercept incoming targets, said Tymur Tkachenko, head of the Kyiv City Administration. 'Our air defence crews are doing everything possible. But we must protect one another — stay safe,' Tkachenko wrote on Telegram. Authorities reported damage in several districts, and rescue workers were responding at multiple locations. They urged residents to seek shelter. In Solomyanskyi district, a fire broke out on the 11th floor of a 16-story residential building. Emergency services evacuated three people from the apartment, and rescue operations were ongoing. Another fire broke out in a metal warehouse. Tkachenko said the metro tracks between two stations in Kyiv were damaged in the attack, but no fire or injuries occurred. In the northern Chernihiv region, a Shahed drone exploded near an apartment building, shattering windows and doors, according to regional military administration chief Dmytro Bryzhynskyi. He added that explosions from ballistic missiles were also recorded on the outskirts of the city. The nighttime attack came hours after US President Donald Trump said it might be better to let Ukraine and Russia 'fight for a while' before pulling them apart and pursuing peace, in comments that were a remarkable detour from Trump's often-stated appeals to stop the three-year war. Trump spoke as he met with Germany's new Chancellor Friedrich Merz, who appealed to him as the 'key person in the world' who could halt the bloodshed by pressuring Russian President Vladimir Putin. Trump this week spoke on the phone with Putin, who vowed to respond "very strongly" to Ukraine's daring drone attacks on Russian military airfields that had taken place on Sunday. In February 2024, 23-year-old pregnant mother Teodora Marcu was shot dead in front of her three-year old daughter and other children on a street in Romania by her ex-partner. The killer, 49-year-old Robert Lupu, had a documented history of abuse: Marcu had filed multiple complaints against him. She died on the sidewalk, alone and unheard, although she had 'screamed' about the problem in vain for months. Marcu's story is not an exception—it is a brutal reminder of a crisis that knows no borders. Across Europe, domestic violence continues to claim lives and ruin futures. Despite years of awareness campaigns, legislative efforts, and protest movements, recent data show that domestic violence remains stubbornly pervasive - and in some countries, it's getting worse and cases – much more brutal. In Germany, new figures released in June 2024 by the Federal Criminal Police Office mark a disturbing high: 256,276 people were victims of domestic violence last year, a 6.5% increase from 2022. Of those, 70.5% were women, and in cases of intimate partner violence, nearly four out of five victims were female. Most chillingly: 155 women were killed by their current or former partners in 2023. Despite Germany's strong legal frameworks, the data signal systemic failure. 'The rising numbers mean more women are stepping forward,' said a spokesperson from a Berlin-based crisis centre. 'But it also means we're not stopping the violence. We're only counting it.' In Greece, police data for 2023 show the number of domestic violence incidents remained nearly unchanged from 2022—but still double the figure recorded in 2020. Of the 9,886 women who contacted police, the vast majority were in relationships with their abuser. 59.6% of incidents occurred within romantic partnerships, 29.7% of perpetrators were spouses, and 13.8% were live-in partners. Greece also saw 12 femicides, most committed by a male family member. A digital 'panic button' app was rolled out in 2023 to help women discreetly alert police during violent episodes. In 2024, the app was expanded nationwide and opened to male victims. Whether police response times and follow-through match the urgency remains an open question. In Portugal, domestic violence is also on the rise, at least in terms of awareness. From 2021 to 2024, the number of victims seeking help from the Portuguese Association for Victim Support (APAV) jumped by 29.3%, totalling 43,110 cases. Experts attribute the increase to greater media coverage of violence—particularly war and conflict—and the lingering effects of pandemic lockdowns, which intensified domestic tensions and isolated victims. 'People are more aware of abuse now,' an APAV counsellor explained. 'But there's still a long way to go before they feel fully protected.' Spain presents a complex picture. In 2024, 34,684 women were registered as victims of domestic or gender-based violence—a 5.2% decrease from the previous year. Yet paradoxically, the number of convicted abusers surged to 39,056, the highest figure since 2015. Relationships between victims and abusers were varied: 39.9% were partners or ex-partners, 37.8% were (ex-)girlfriends, 21.4% were (ex-)spouses. Spain's specialized gender violence courts and longstanding advocacy movements may account for the increase in convictions. But activists warn that fewer reported cases do not necessarily mean less violence—just fewer women speaking up. In Bulgaria, domestic violence remains an underreported and poorly addressed issue. A 2023 case shocked the nation when an 18-year-old woman named Débora was stabbed with a razor blade by her ex-boyfriend. She survived, but ended up with 400 stitches and her long hair was shaved. The case triggered mass protests and renewed calls for legislative reform. Bulgaria's laws have long excluded protections for victims not living with their abuser, and twelve of the country's regions lack any crisis shelter. Activists point to the country's failure to ratify the Istanbul Convention, an international treaty designed to combat violence against women, as a root cause of systemic neglect. 'The laws are written for a version of abuse that barely reflects real life,' said one protester in Sofia. 'We are burying women every year while politicians debate definitions.' Despite differing legal frameworks and public responses, the through-line is clear: domestic violence in Europe remains a persistent, deadly epidemic. While awareness and reporting are improving in some nations, gaps in law enforcement, legal protections, and survivor support continue to put lives at risk. Debora from Bulgaria is 'lucky' because she's alive. But for two years now she has been forced to face her violator in court, as the case is not yet closed. He was even released for a while, before being rearrested. Teodora Marcu from Romania is dead. And while there are still protests, dozens of women and men are still being abused by their partners on a daily basis. Some prefer to remain silent, others shout about it, yet some continue to end up as victims.
Euronews
14 hours ago
- Euronews
Can the EU lower the cap on Russian oil without the US?
The European Union is readying a new round of sanctions against Russia to pile extra pressure on the Kremlin and pressure it to agree to a 30-day unconditional ceasefire in Ukraine, a step that Western allies consider indispensable for serious peace negotiations. Ursula von der Leyen has already provided an outline of what that package, the 18th since February 2022, is supposed to target: Russia's financial sector, the "shadow fleet" and the Nord Stream pipelines, which are currently non-operational. On top of that, the president of the European Commission has pitched a downward revision of the price cap on Russian oil to further squeeze profits from worldwide sales, a crucial cash flow to sustain the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. "We need a real ceasefire, we need Russia at the negotiating table, and we need to end this war. Pressure works, as the Kremlin understands nothing else," von der Leyen said earlier this week after meeting with US Senator Lindsey Graham. But there's a catch: unlike other sanctions the bloc has imposed on Russia, such as the multiple export and import bans, the price cap has a political and practical dimension that exceeds the institutional sphere of Brussels and stretches across the ocean. More specifically, to Washington, DC. The price cap on Russian oil was introduced in December 2022 by the Group of Seven (G7) under the initiative of the Joe Biden administration. It was hailed as an ingenious, ground-breaking mechanism to mobilise the collective power of Western allies and cripple Russia's high-intensity war machine. As part of the plan, the G7, together with Australia, passed laws prohibiting their domestic companies from providing services, such as insurance, financing and flagging, to Russian tankers that sold seaborne crude oil above a predetermined price. The secret lay in market power: for decades, Western firms, particularly British ones, have dominated the sector of Protection and Indemnity (P&I), a type of insurance that gives shipowners broad protection and allows them to cover potentially huge costs from any accidental harm caused to the crew, their property or the environment. Due to the inherent risks of moving oil in high waters, P&I is today considered the norm in maritime trade and a must-have to be accepted in a foreign port. By leveraging their leading firms, the G7 intended to create an extraterritorial effect that would cap the price of Russian oil not only within their jurisdictions but all around the world. Following intense behind-the-scenes talks, the cap was set at $60 per barrel, a compromise between hard-line and cautious member states. The strategy only worked up to a point however. Although the price of Russian Urals oil gradually decreased, it consistently remained above the $60 mark, often exceeding the $70 threshold. The blatant circumvention was attributed to the "shadow fleet" that Russia deployed at high sea. These tankers are so old and poorly kept that they fall outside P&I standards and rely on alternative, obscure insurance systems that escape G7 surveillance. By the time the cap entered into force, Moscow "had spent months building a 'shadow fleet' of tankers, finding new buyers like India and China, and creating new payment systems, to the point that its oil does not need to be greatly discounted to sell," Luis Caricano, a professor at the London School of Economics, wrote in a recent analysis. "What should have been a blow became a manageable problem," Caricano said. With few sectors in the Russian economy left to sanction, Brussels has turned its sight to the cap as a means to tighten the screws on the Kremlin and secure a ceasefire in Ukraine. The Commission has reportedly pitched a revision between $50 and $45 per barrel, which the UK and Canada are believed to support. However, the US has so far refrained from endorsing a lower price cap, raising the stakes ahead of crunch talks at the G7 summit in Alberta, scheduled for mid-June. Now, a tough question emerges: Can the EU dare, and afford, to go it alone? In the strictest legalistic sense, the EU could, indeed, establish a lower price cap on its own. After all, the G7, as an organisation, lacks regulatory powers: each ally amends its laws individually to fulfil a collective mission. In this case, the EU introduced new legislation to prohibit EU companies – rather than, say, American or British companies – from servicing Russian tankers that bypassed the $60-per-barrel cap. Similarly, the bloc could now change the text to adjust that prohibition to a tighter price without waiting for other allies to reciprocate. Here appears the first roadblock: any change to sanctions must be approved by a unanimous vote among member states. It is highly unlikely that all 27 countries would choose to move forward with a lower cap without having an explicit guarantee that Washington will follow suit. Hungary, in particular, has fully aligned itself with the Trump administration and could veto any proposal opposed by the White House. Even if the bloc managed to overcome internal differences and agreed to a lower cap on its own, more formidable obstacles could impede its success. The bloc's revised cap would have to co-exist with America's existing cap. This means that one side of the Atlantic Ocean would apply a $50-per-barrel limit while the other side would apply a $60-per-barrel limit, creating a cacophony for all actors involved. "Different price caps across G7 countries could confuse maritime service providers and weaken overall enforcement," Petras Katinas, an energy analyst at the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), told Euronews. "A solo move by the EU could cause friction within the Price Cap Coalition, damaging trust and coordination, both of which are crucial for keeping pressure on Russian oil revenues," Katinas added, warning the project could be rendered "largely symbolic". The legislative chaos would immediately benefit the Kremlin, which has long sought to exploit loopholes to evade and undermine international sanctions. Moscow, though, would also face hurdles: the continued crackdown on "shadow fleet" vessels has forced the country to increase its reliance on G7 insurance, which, in theory, could make it easier for the EU to apply the revised measure. "If the EU alone decides to tighten the screws on the cap, it's an additional constraint on Russia's oil exports but not as tight as with a whole of G7 approach," said Elisabetta Cornago, a senior researcher at the Centre for European Reform (CER). Besides practical snags and legal matters, there is geopolitics to consider. One of the reasons why the G7 initiative has fallen short of expectations is that, as the name suggests, it has remained a G7-exclusive plan. Countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa have refused to play along and join the coalition. China and India openly buy Russian crude oil, sometimes to refine it and resell it under a different label. Having the EU and the US go separate ways would further destabilise the Western alliance and create the impression of a transatlantic break-up. But for many, that is already a reality: the "Coalition of the Willing", born after Donald Trump unilaterally launched negotiations with Vladimir Putin, bears testament to the political divide. "The price cap was a G7 + EU initiative, and so in its current form, I do not see any pathway in which the EU could adjust the cap without the support of the broader coalition, including the US," said Ben McWilliams, an affiliate fellow with Bruegel. "That said, the EU is free to implement whatever measures it wants on its own domestic ships and insurance companies, which it could likely encourage the UK to join," McWilliams added. "So the EU can still move ahead – it would just need to be under a different institutional format than currently exists." This week we are joined by Mika Aaltola, a Finnish MEP representing the centre-right European People's Party, Dorota Bawolek, a seasoned EU correspondent for Polish broadcaster TVP and Ian Lesser, Vice President of the German Marshall Fund, the transatlantic think tank. US President Donald Trump's renewed trade offensive has left Brussels rather stressed with sweeping tariffs hitting European steel, aluminium, and car exports — and threats of more to come. European Trade Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič is trying to defuse the crisis, warning that retaliatory EU measures could kick in as early as July 14. MEP Mika Aaltola blasted the US approach as 'unfair treatment'. The OECD also warned this week that Trump's tariffs are dragging global growth to its weakest levels since the COVID-19 pandemic. In a very tight presidential race, Poland elected conservative Karol Nawrocki, a nationalist and eurosceptic, narrowly defeating pro-EU candidate and Warsaw mayor Rafał Trzaskowski. The result marks a blow for Prime Minister Donald Tusk who has called for a vote of confidence in his government early next week. Nawrocki's rhetoric — emphasizing national sovereignty, anti-migrant policies, and a rejection of 'Brussels diktats' — has alarmed Europhiles. However, his nationalist platform resonated with a rather divided electorate. "He's not very presidential", Dorota Bawolek told the panel adding that history shows Poles prefer an 'ordinary guy'. Finally, the panel discuss the Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez' diplomatic setback after the EU Council rejected his proposal to make Catalan, Basque, and Galician official EU languages. The move, promised to Catalan separatists in exchange for political support, was rejected by member states over fears of a domino effect involving other regional languages. Watch the full episode in the player above.
